Opinion
What the Exchange Rate Conceals: Ghana’s hidden cost of living crisis
While Ghana’s headline macroeconomic indicators—falling inflation, a sharply appreciating cedi, and IMF programme progress—have earned international praise, a deeper, quieter crisis continues to erode the daily lives of ordinary citizens, writes Dominic Senayah. In this powerful opinion piece, the policy analyst and international relations professional argues that the country’s recent exchange-rate stability masks a structural cost-of-living emergency that no salary can reasonably sustain.
What the Exchange Rate Conceals: Ghana’s hidden cost of living crisis
By Dominic Senayah
There is a quiet arithmetic to suffering. It does not make front pages. It does not generate dramatic headlines that bring in international cameras or set Parliament alight. It happens instead at the market stall, at the landlord’s door, at the end of the month when the salary notification arrives, and the mental calculation begins and fails. It is the arithmetic of a country where the cost of simply existing has outpaced the means by which ordinary people are expected to exist. This is Ghana’s hidden cost of living crisis, and those of us who love the country, who hold its passport, who carry it with us wherever we go in the world, can no longer afford to normalise it.
I write this as a Ghanaian living and working in England. The distance has not made me detached. If anything, the contrast has sharpened my concern. I know what a functioning relationship between wages, housing, and food looks like in practice. And I know that what Ghana has at present falls far short of what it is capable of delivering to its people.
The Rent That No Salary Can Justify
Let us begin where every life begins, with a roof. As of early 2026, a one-bedroom apartment in Accra commands around GH₵2,200 per month, with Cantonments, Airport Residential, and Labone pushing considerably higher. But the monthly rate is only part of the punishment. It is normal in Ghana to pay one or two years of rent upfront, placing an enormous financial demand on a tenant before they have even moved in. The average monthly salary sits at approximately GH₵2,579 — roughly $210 at current exchange rates — with entry-level civil servants earning between GH₵2,200 and GH₵3,200. A mid-level public servant asked to pay two years upfront on a modest Accra flat faces a demand exceeding a full year of gross salary, payable before a single sock has been unpacked.
The comparison with Nigeria is instructive. Lagos — Africa’s most commercially intense city, far larger and more complex than Accra, regularly offers comparable housing at lower dollar-equivalent rates. That a smaller city prices its residents more aggressively is a structural anomaly deserving frank scrutiny. Ghana’s landlord class, hedging against cedi depreciation through dollar-denominated rents, has turned housing into a mechanism of extraction that the wage economy cannot support. The result is a generation of professionals commuting three to five hours daily because they cannot afford to live near where they work.
A Country That Grows Food and Cannot Afford to Feed Itself
Ghana spans multiple agro-ecological zones supporting cocoa, yams, plantains, cassava, tomatoes, pepper, groundnuts, maize, and rice. The ecological potential is profound. And yet the price of tomatoes in an Accra market routinely exceeds what the same produce costs in countries that must import it from thousands of miles away. This is a policy failure, not a natural one. According to the World Food Programme, Ghana loses US$1.9 billion annually to post-harvest waste due to poor road networks, inadequate storage, and the near-total absence of cold chain infrastructure, with losses estimated between 20 and 50 per cent across various crop types. The farmer in Brong-Ahafo who watches tomatoes rot on the roadside because the truck did not come is not a lazy farmer. He is a farmer abandoned by systems never built with sufficient urgency.
At the consumer end, supply is erratic, middlemen extract margins at every link, and what arrives in the city comes bruised and expensive. Ghana, once a significant tomato producer in West Africa, now imports over 7,000 metric tons of tomatoes annually from neighbouring countries. The same logic applies to rice, poultry, and a growing range of processed foods. Ghana has fertile land and an empty value chain, and until the infrastructure connecting the two is treated as a national emergency, this contradiction will persist.
Salaries, Corruption, and the Structural Explanation Nobody Wants to Give
Petty corruption in Ghana is routinely framed as a moral failure. The condemnation is not unwarranted, but it rarely arrives at the structural diagnosis necessary for real solutions. When a port official takes an unofficial payment or a nurse charges informally for a service that should be free, the issue is often not characterised. It is mathematics. If the average salary is GH₵2,579 and a basic one-bedroom flat in Accra costs between GH₵1,500 and GH₵2,800 per month, the gap between income and shelter is insurmountable before a single meal or school fee is considered. People in structurally impossible positions find structural workarounds. Ghana cannot build trustworthy institutions on the foundation of a workforce that cannot survive on its formal income. The enforcement agencies expected to police corruption while living within these same constraints are being asked to do something human societies have always found very difficult to sustain.
The Import Economy’s Double Standard
Walk through any Ghanaian market, and the shelves are full of Chinese electronics with dubious longevity, imported cooking oil, and imported clothing. The quality differential between goods manufactured for African markets and those produced by the same factories for Western consumers is not accidental. It is a calibrated response to weak regulatory environments. Where consumer protection law lacks enforcement, the incentive to produce durably disappears. Ghanaian consumers are being sold shorter lifespans in their goods and longer suffering in their wallets. Capital that could fund agro-processing in the forest belt or cold chain infrastructure in the north instead cycles through import speculation with a six-month horizon, extracting from the population rather than building it up.
Towards Price Regulation: What Is Actually Feasible
This is where most commentary on Ghana’s cost of living crisis falls short, diagnosing the problem without engaging seriously with solutions. Full command-style price fixing is not the answer. Ghana tried broad price controls under the Rawlings era, and the outcome was predictable: market distortions, shortages, and a thriving black market that harmed the very people it was meant to protect. But there is a meaningful space between laissez-faire chaos and discredited command economies, and Ghana has both the institutional architecture and the precedent from comparable economies to occupy it.
The first viable intervention is a national reference pricing system for staple goods. The government already publishes some commodity price data, but inconsistently and with almost no reach into the market itself. A properly resourced weekly publication of government-verified benchmark prices for staple foods displayed at market entrances, bus terminals, and broadcast via radio and SMS to rural communities arms the consumer with information, which is the most powerful and least distorting check on seller greed. Rwanda has implemented this model for agricultural produce with a measurable effect on price gouging at the retail level. It preserves market freedom while eliminating the information asymmetry that predatory pricing depends upon.
The second is a functioning rent tribunal. Ghana’s Rent Act of 1963 technically prohibits excessive advance payment demands, but it is widely ignored because the mechanism for enforcing it is inaccessible to ordinary tenants. A simplified housing tribunal modelled on those that operate effectively in South Africa and the United Kingdom, that allows tenants to challenge dollar-denominated rents and multi-year upfront demands, would be a targeted, enforceable intervention requiring legislative update rather than significant fiscal outlay. The legal framework exists. What is missing is the political will to resource and publicise it.
The third is deeper utilisation of the Ghana Commodity Exchange, launched in 2018 but still dramatically underused. A functioning commodity exchange creates transparent, publicly visible price discovery for agricultural goods, which structurally reduces the power of middlemen to arbitrarily inflate margins between farm gate and urban market. Integrating smallholder farmers and market women through mobile phone access is both technically feasible and commercially attractive given Ghana’s mobile penetration rates. This is not a distant aspiration. It is an operational gap in an existing institution.
The fourth is consumer protection enforcement with genuine deterrent value. Current fines under the Consumer Protection Agency Act are derisory relative to the profits available from price exploitation. Raising penalty thresholds meaningfully and giving the agency a publicised rapid-response function, a hotline that triggers market inspection within 48 hours of a complaint,t would shift the risk calculus for sellers without requiring price fixing of any kind. None of these measures alone resolves the crisis. Together, they constitute a coherent, Ghana-feasible regulatory architecture that addresses greed at its structural root rather than its moral surface.
Where the Government Has Done Well — And What Must Follow
Macroeconomic honesty requires acknowledging what has been achieved. Inflation fell for thirteen consecutive months, from 23.5 per cent in January 2025 to 3.8 per cent in January 2026, single digits for the first time since 2021. The cedi appreciated 40.7 per cent against the dollar in 2025, reversing the prior year’s 19.2 per cent depreciation, earning World Bank recognition as the best-performing currency in Sub-Saharan Africa. The IMF completed its fifth Extended Credit Facility review in December 2025 with positive assessments across growth, reserves, and debt trajectory. Currency stability anchors import prices, reduces the landlord’s dollar-denomination incentive, and creates the predictability businesses need. But stability is the floor of a better economy, not its ceiling. The ceiling requires structural transformation in agriculture, manufacturing, institutional quality, and the wage-to-cost relationship,p which stabilisation enables but cannot itself deliver.
The Reorientation Ghana Needs
Ghana will not become Denmark overnight, and no reasonable person expects that. But the distance between where Ghana is and where it is capable of being is not as vast as learned helplessness suggests. Wealthy Ghanaians must be persistently encouraged, through deliberate policy incentives andcultural expectationsn, to invest in domestic productive capacity rather than import speculation or offshore accumulation. Patient capital that builds agro-processing, cold chain networks, or quality housing is less glamorous than a Shenzhen container but far more durable as national wealth.
Young Ghanaians expressing frustration are not being ungrateful. They are giving accurate feedback to a system that has not yet decided to work for them. Their constrained futures are not the inevitable consequence of poverty but the outcome of choices about investment, infrastructure, and the relationship between wages and the cost of living that can be made differently.
The exchange rate is the number the world watches closely. What it conceals is the daily life Ghanaians actually live. The stability of 2025 has been earned. Now comes the harder, more human work of making it mean something to the nurse in Tamale, the graduate in Kumasi, and the family in Nima who still cannot make the numbers add up.
About the Author

Dominic Senayah is an International Relations professional and policy analyst based in England, specialising in African political economy, humanitarian governance, and migration diplomacy. He holds an MA in International Relations from the UK and writes on trade policy, institutional reform, and Ghana–UK relations for audiences across Africa, the United Kingdom, and the wider Global South.
Opinion
Open Letter to the British Ambassador on Reparatory Justice: Ghana’s Call to the British Government
In this open letter to the British Ambassador, Seth Kwame Awuku challenges the United Kingdom’s abstention from a recent UN resolution naming the transatlantic slave trade a crime against humanity, and directly rebuts UK Opposition Leader Kemi Badenoch’s rejection of reparations. Awuku argues that the harms of slavery persist in broken economies and fractured societies, contrasting Britain’s swift 1833 financial compensation to slave owners with its refusal to address descendants’ suffering. He calls on Britain to abandon “selective memory,” embrace reparatory justice, and lead morally within the Commonwealth and Africa, concluding that true partnership requires confronting history’s unfinished ledger.
Open Letter to the British Ambassador on Reparatory Justice: Ghana’s Call to the British Government
Seth K. Awuku
Your Excellency,
In the grand theatre of nations, where history whispers its unfinished business through the voices of the living and the silent testimony of the dead, Ghana stood before the United Nations on 25 March 2026 and helped give birth to a resolution that named the transatlantic slave trade for what it truly was, one of humanity’s gravest crimes against the human spirit.
Much of the Global South rose in solemn chorus. Britain, once the restless engine and greatest beneficiary of that trade, chose to abstain.
Then came the voice of Kemi Badenoch, Leader of the Opposition and guardian of the Conservative flame in Britain. She declared that Britain should not only reject reparations but should have actively opposed the resolution itself. After all, why should today’s Britain pay for sins committed “hundreds of years ago”?
Your Excellency, Ghana replies with the patience of the ages: the chains did not rust away with abolition. The harm did not vanish when the last slave ship sailed into the horizon. Its consequences still walk among us, in broken economies, fractured societies, and the long shadow cast over Black humanity.
As our Minister of Foreign Affairs, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, emphasized after the landmark United Nations vote, “To acknowledge this is not to diminish any other history; it is to deepen our collective moral awareness,” reminding the world that recognizing the past is essential to confronting its enduring effects.
Consider 1833, Your Excellency. When Britain passed the Slavery Abolition Act, she did not plead the distance of time. The British state reached deep into the public purse and paid a colossal sum, twenty million pounds sterling, a fortune that would dwarf billions today, not to the enslaved, but to the slave owners as compensation for the loss of their human “property.” The enslaved received nothing.
Kemi Badenoch’s position flows from the deep river of classical conservatism, as Edmund Burke once taught: reverence for continuity and a prudent refusal to burden today’s citizens with the unlimited debts of long-dead ancestors. Yet history, that mischievous witness and ultimate griot, complicates this doctrine. When property was at stake, time dissolved like morning mist. Britain acted swiftly and generously. When it came to recognising the personhood of the enslaved and their descendants, the same generosity vanished.
Kemi Badenoch would not have mattered so much if she were merely another British politician. What gives her words such resonance – and such danger – is that she is partly of African origin. Her Nigerian roots create the powerful impression that because a Black woman in high office speaks against reparations, her claims must carry special authority and must therefore be right. No, she is, respectfully, out of order, gone haywire, and her view can not be admissible in the moral universe.
Ghana, and much of Africa, speaks from a different moral universe. We insist that the legacies of slavery did not evaporate with the ink on abolition treaties. True justice cannot be confined to symbolic declarations or convenient cut-off dates. Africa’s triple heritage, indigenous resilience, Islamic encounter, and the Christian-Western overlay demand that we confront the full cost of that painful encounter.
Your Excellency, on this moral subject of international relations, Britain must cease its policy of abstention and reject the counsel of selective memory. Britain, heir to both empire and abolition, must rise above the comfort of conservative restraint and lead boldly on reparatory justice. Only through such moral leadership can Britain reclaim its rightful place as a trusted global actor, restore genuine respect across the Commonwealth, and forge deeper, more authentic relations with the nations of the African continent.
True partnership cannot be built on evasion of the past; it must be anchored in moral courage and a willingness to confront history’s unfinished ledger.
History, ever the ultimate griot, keeps its own meticulous accounts.
Ghana and the wider African continent are watching with hope that Britain will choose the path of light over shadow.
With respect and hope for a renewed and just partnership,
Seth K. Awuku
Takoradi, Ghana
Seth K. Awuku, Principal of Sovereign Advisory Ltd., Takoradi, is a Ghanaian writer who focuses on law, politics, diplomacy, and international relations.
Opinion
Why President Mahama must not be the new Akufo-Addo
In this sharp political commentary, Felix Anim-Appau draws a powerful parallel between the swift punishment of a hungry young man jailed for stealing a bunch of plantain and the persistent impunity enjoyed by Ghanaian public officials who have cost the state an estimated GH₵100 billion through financial irregularities over the past decade. The author argues that while President John Mahama has delivered notable economic improvements since taking office, his legacy will ultimately be judged not by falling inflation or stable exchange rates, but by whether he breaks the cycle of corruption that has defined successive administrations.
Why President Mahama must not be the new Akufo-Addo
By Felix Anim-Appau
It was a normal week day at Assin Sibinso, my father’s hometown in the Assin South district of the Central region, almost two and a half decades ago.
I was visiting some teacher friends of mine after school when I saw Kwadwo Amoako, a young man in his mid to late twenties then, having been arrested by the residents for stealing a bunch of plantain because he was hungry.
He was beaten to pulp, paraded through the major streets of the community and later handed over to the police. Kwadwo was arraigned, convicted, and sentenced to two years imprisonment for stealing. There was no consideration for the fact that he was answering to nature’s call- hunger.
It’s been a while since I went to church but I remember in Matthew 12:1-8, Mark 2:23-28, and Luke 6:1-5, Jesus and his disciples harvested some corn and ate because they were hungry. Matthew 12:1 puts it as follows:
“At that time Jesus went through the grainfields on the Sabbath. His disciples were hungry and began to pick some heads of grain and eat them”.
The grain didn’t belong to them but it is interpreted by Bible scholars that once they were harvesting to eat and not to sell, it didn’t constitute stealing. If what the Bible says is anything to go by, it means if a man is hungry and takes something little to satisfy his hunger, that should not be deemed stealing.
But Ghana has laws which are incongruous with what’s in the Bible.So, what Kwadwo did is not permitted by Ghanaian laws. Because of that, he was beaten, shamed and jailed in addition.Ghana travel guide
The Auditor-General’s Report
In 2012, when Captain Smart assumed duty at Adom FM as the host of the morning show, the editorial segment dubbed: Fabɛwɔso, was mainly focused on the Report of the Auditor-General (A-G). When I became his Production Assistant in 2017, I had the opportunity to keep in my custody, some copies of the Report. Till date, I still have with me some photocopies of the malfeasance recorded by some state institutions at the time. It started in millions of cedis before increasing to billions.
According to the Auditor-General’s reports over the past decade as reported by Graphic.com, financial irregularities including misappropriation, cash irregularities, procurement breaches, and payroll fraud have cost the state approximately GH₵99.57 billion between 2014 and 2023.TV Shows & Programs
I have never been a friend of Mathematics, but I still remember that when a decimal is five or more, you can round it up to the nearest figure. So, in ten years, this nation lost GH₵100 billion to ‘public servants’ per the A-G’s report.
Public servants and politicians do what Kwadwo did, harvesting where they have not planted, and because they use pens and computers, unlike Kwadwo, who harvested someone’s plantain, or the armed robber who pulled a knife or a gun to rob, their acts have been classified with “nice adjectives” that do not present a true picture of their deeds.
Instead of describing their acts as stealing and labeling them as thieves, we say “financial irregularities,” categorised into misappropriation, cash irregularities, procurement breaches, payroll fraud, and a host of others. Oh, I forgot that other nice name under which all these deeds are branded: Corruption.
Every year, the A-G comes out with a report and I am yet to count just ten people who have been jailed directly in relation to these malfeasance uncovered by the Auditor-General in at least, the last decade.
Public servants and politicians alike, take what belongs to the State everyday. They create, loot and share. The New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC) have been playing political chairs with power, and whoever gets the opportunity to govern mess our funds up and go unpunished. It has become a ‘scratch my back and let me scratch your back’ situation. And the few moments one government attempts a prosecution on a political opponent, party foot soldiers besiege the premises of the security agency undertaking the investigations to demand the release of the accused. The process is branded political witch-hunt.Election coverage.
Sometimes, I struggle to understand the mentality of the Ghanaian. Because a person belongs to your political party, it becomes a crime for him to answer to how he expended State funds? Due to this, politicians and civil servants always team up and turn our resources into their own, leaving the poor tax payer at the mercy of posterity.
Scandals under both NPP and NDC
Several high-profile political scandals have occurred in Ghana under both the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and New Patriotic Party (NPP) administrations between 2009 and 2024. I am not saying the years prior to that were scandal-free.Ghana travel guide
But for the purposes of this discussion, I want to limit it to this period. These involved allegations of corruption, procurement breaches, and financial mismanagement, frequently sparking intense public debate and political finger-pointing. However, few weeks after the release of the report, sometimes even days, we will not hear about it again until the next report comes.
If Ghana were any serious country, people should have been languishing in jail for their corrupt deeds. But as usual, scratch my back and I scratch your back so we are still where we are. Let me share with you a few of the major scandals recorded under both governments between the period in question.
Some scandals under NDC administration (2009 to 2016)
GYEEDA Scandal (2013): The Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Agency (GYEEDA) was found to have paid millions of Ghana cedis to private companies through irregular, sole-sourced contracts for training and services that were largely non-existent.
SADA Guinea Fowl Scandal (2013): The Savannah Accelerated Development Authority (SADA) spent millions of cedis on projects, including a widely criticised guinea fowl rearing project, with little to show for the investment.
AMERI Deal Scandal (2015): The US$510 million deal for AMERI Energy to supply 10 power turbines to address the power crisis was deemed by opposition MPs to be severely inflated by over US$150 million.
- Some scandals under NPP administration (2017 to 2024)
BOST Contaminated Fuel Scandal (2017): The Bulk Oil Storage and Transportation Company (BOST) sold 5 million litres of contaminated fuel to unlicensed companies, causing a financial loss of about GHC 15 million in revenue to the state. - US$2.25 Billion Bond Saga (2017): Then Finance Minister, Kenneth Nana Yaw Ofori-Atta, who is now a fugitive from justice, was accused of a conflict of interest, alleging that the bond was tailored to benefit his cronies in the banking sector.
Cash for Seat Scandal (2018): Expatriate businesses were allegedly charged up to US$100,000 to sit close to President Akufo-Addo at an awards ceremony, sparking accusations of influence peddling. - PDS Electricity Scandal (2019): The contract to manage Ghana’s electricity distribution was terminated after it was discovered that the Power Distribution Services (PDS) provided fraudulent bank guarantees.
- Agyapa Royalties Deal (2020/2021): The government’s plan to monetise future gold royalties via a listing in Jersey in the Channel Islands (a British Crown Dependency known as a tax haven) was suspended following a report by the Special Prosecutor citing corruption risks, lack of transparency, and procurement breaches.
These are just a few of the many corruption cases reported by the Auditor-General between the period under consideration. Causing financial loss to the State at the various departments and agencies as well as state institutions occurs every year.
The ones I mentioned are just those the public will be familiar with. But the question is, how many people can we count as having been jailed for these scandals?
However, Kwadwo Amoako, like other petty thieves, was convicted and sentenced to two years imprisonment for taking someone’s plantain. As for those taking what belongs to the State, they are walking free. I wonder how this will not incentivise others to learn from those who have gone scot-free.
What influences the voting pattern of some of us
Mr. President, I know the wheels of justice turn slowly as you the politicians have always been telling us. But this time around, you must change the wheels if they’re old so they can move faster. We have been patient for too long and the political chairs have lingered for so many years.TV Shows & Programs
How long should we sit aloof for people to continue milking the state to enrich themselves and their families at the expense of the masses?
In his attempts to become President of the Republic, I voted for him because William Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo was known to be the ‘no-nonsense’ man who had no heart to tolerate an iota of corruption under his watch.
But what did we see? He turned out to be the ‘Clearer-General’ who was clearing his appointees of corruption even before investigations were conducted.
Because you have been there before and promised to recover every penny taken from the State, many Ghanaians who are not members of the NDC voted for you to see that become a reality due to the level of rot we witnessed under the erstwhile administration.Election coverage
When you were voted into power, I gave you an 18-month “honeymoon” to put things in place before I start critiquing you. Because I felt eight years of damage was too much to be demanding a lot from you in less than a year and a half.
It’s not 18 months yet and what I expected you to be able to do from 18 months on, you were able to do that in less than a year after taking over power. Talk of inflation, exchange rate, fuel prices and what have you.
With the trajectory of the economy as you inherited and where it is now, only a political hypocrite or sycophant would say you haven’t done anything. The economic indices are awesome and I dare say that with what we witnessed under the Akufo-Addo/Bawumia administration, if they were still in power, Ghana’s exchange rate would have been hovering around 25 cedis to a dollar, with a litre of petrol not doing less than same amount.Ghana travel guide
This is based on global indices at their time compared to now, with the current tensions in the Middle East in perspective. Even though the NPP claim you didn’t do anything to achieve this economic feat, they couldn’t achieve same with the “something” they did at the time.
Why Mahama’s achievements will be ‘meaningless’ if…
Despite everything you have achieved and yet to achieve, for some of us, you’ll not be measured by how well the cedi stabilised under you, or how you improved the cost of living. You will not be in my good books for bringing down inflation or fuel prices. But the number of corrupt officials you were able to jail.
Many Ghanaians voted for you because of Operation Recover All Loot (ORAL). But how much have we recovered almost 18 months into your administration? Those who have been found by the Attorney-General, Dr Dominic Ayine, to have plundered the nation into losses are still walking in town as if they haven’t done anything wrong.
On the contrary, those who steal goats, fowls, coins and foodstuffs to satisfy their hunger just like Kwadwo Amoako are handed the swiftest sentences because they are poor. Meanwhile, those who are making the nation lose millions and billions are walking free and all we see from your Attorney-General is update upon update upon updates. Sixteen months is enough to have at least, recorded some convictions.
Another Auditor-General’s report has come and this time around, we don’t want it to be business as usual. We need action. You should act. I am not an expert in law, but I know there are fast-track courts where some cases can be expedited for people found culpable to go to jail.
Or are we going to do the usual back and forth for your tenure to end so that a new government will come and file dozens of nolle prosequis to free their apogees on trial? We are watching you closely to see if you would let people pay for their deeds or it would be business as usual.
Conclusion
Dear Mr. President, the Auditor-General’s reports have become a recurring narrative of causing financial loss to the State and impunity, with perpetrators often escaping accountability every year, at least, since the commencement of the Fourth Republic.
From Rawlings to Akufo-Addo, the Public Accounts Committee hearings has only become a mere formality, with the pattern of corruption being repeated as same movie script with different actors.
Every administration makes an attempt with some prosecutions, but these efforts are often dismissed as politically motivated witch-hunts. But if there are witches, why shouldn’t we hunt them? Why do we shy away from holding those responsible accountable?
Every pesewa misappropriated by these public officials as contained in the Auditor-General’s reports tells us the opportunities we are missing. Our classrooms lack furniture, our communities lack potable water, while basic amenities have become alien to our vicinities. Yet the poor are punished for the petty crimes they commit, while those who loot the State coffers walk free.
Mr. President, I know you’re not directly responsible for jailing people who misappropriate state resources. It is the courts. But, before that could be done, your Attorney-General and Minister of Justice must initiate prosecution for such people to face justice. You promised to recover the loots and I know you knew what you meant when you made that promise.
If you fail to realise this achievement of making those responsible for such losses face the full rigours of the law, your achievements in other areas will be of no relevance to some of us. We will not remember the economic growth or infrastructural projects you have accomplished if those through whom the nation lost billions still visit the same shopping malls with us and shop in trolleys as if they are going to open shopping marts in their homes, drive all the latest vehicles and live lavishly at the expense of the trader who risks her life to Burkina Faso to import tomatoes and pay taxes.
We see how some of your appointees laugh, dine and publicly worship some of the very people you all swore in opposition to prosecute if you’re given the mandate. Today, you’re in power and instead of such persons explaining to the courts how the state lost those huge sums of monies through them, your appointees are feasting with them. What happened, Mr. President?
If those causing financial loss to the State escape justice and walk as free men, describing those making it genuinely in life as lazy or useless because they have benefited in one way or the other from what the State lost through them, what then would be the motivation for people to do what is right? After all, they know they can create, loot and share, and in the end, nothing will happen.
In all honesty, if we don’t see as many prosecutions and convictions as possible under your tenure, I, for one, will not see any difference between your administration and that of Akufo-Addo.
It is time to break this cycle of impunity and show Ghanaians that Justice, is not merely a name given to males in Ghana, nor is it just a title for judges at the courts; Probity and Accountability, are not mere political slogans; but rather, words that should remind every Ghanaian entrusted with State resources that, one day, they will account for their stewardship and should therefore discharge the role as if whatever is under their care are their personal or family properties.TV Shows & Programs
The words have been enough since 1992 and the time for action is now.
Sincerely,
Felix Anim-Appau.
The writer, Felix Anim-Appau, works with the online unit at Media General. The views expressed in this piece are his personal opinions and do not reflect, in any form or shape, those of the Media General Group, where he works. His email address is kwadwoasiedu2012@gmail.com, and he can be found on X as @platofintegrity
Opinion
To the EU Ambassador: The Triple Wound of Silence
In this open letter to the European Union Ambassador to Ghana, policy analyst Seth Kwame Awuku condemns the EU’s abstention from UNGA Resolution A/80/L.48—a Ghana-led resolution naming the transatlantic slave trade a crime against humanity. Awuku argues that Europe’s silence, masked by legal technicalities, constitutes a moral evasion that wounds the possibility of true partnership.
To the EU Ambassador: The Triple Wound of Silence
By Seth Kwame Awuku
Ghana speaks from the depths of ancestral memory – will Europe answer with the poetry of conscience, or the cold prose of abstention?
To: His Excellency, Ambassador of the European Union to Ghana
Subject: Ghana’s Leadership on Reparative Justice and the EU’s Abstention on UNGA Resolution A/80/L.48
Your Excellency,
History does not forget. It merely waits – patient as the Atlantic, restless as the spirits of the Middle Passage – for the silenced to reclaim their voice.
On 25 March 2026, even as Ghana and the European Union formalized a new pact of cooperation, the United Nations became a theatre of reckoning. Ghana, carrying the scars and the soul of a continent, led Resolution A/80/L.48. It passed with 123 votes in favor, only three against, and 52 abstentions – the entire European Union among them.
The resolution does not invent new truths. It simply names what was long softened by euphemism: the transatlantic trafficking in human beings and the racialized chattel enslavement of millions as among the gravest crimes against humanity – a profound violation of jus cogens, those peremptory norms that no civilization may forever evade.
And yet Europe abstained.
How does one reconcile this? A Europe that adorns itself in the robes of enlightenment, human rights, and moral universality suddenly finds its voice faltering when confronted with the chains it once forged, the ships it once commanded, and the fortunes it once harvested from African blood and bone.
President John Dramani Mahama cut through the veils with piercing clarity:
“Truth begins with language. There was no such thing as a slave , there were human beings who were trafficked and enslaved.”
Foreign Minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa reminded the world that this was no solitary lament, but the collective heartbeat of Africa.
The response was telling. The African Union and CARICOM stood united. Arab and Muslim-majority nations lent their voices. Even Russia added its weight. Most strikingly, the two most populous nations on earth – China and India – stood firmly in favor, joining the global majority that now numbers well over half of humanity.
Europe, meanwhile, retreated behind the familiar shield of legal technicalities – non-retroactivity, hierarchies of suffering, the comforting arithmetic of intertemporal law.
Yet some wounds run too deep for procedural salve. When millions were reduced to cargo across the bitter sea, when entire societies were bled to fuel another continent’s ascent, morality does not dissolve merely because the laws of that era looked the other way. Silence, in the face of such a triple wound – capture, crossing, and commodification – is not neutrality. It is an echo of the old evasion.
Ghana seeks no vengeance cloaked in justice. We extend an open hand: for honest dialogue on apology, for the restitution of stolen cultural souls, for guarantees that yesterday’s dehumanization finds no new masks in our time.
This is the triple heritage we bear: Africa’s ancient resilience, the open wound of yesterday, and the shared moral burden for tomorrow.
Your Excellency, true partnership between Europe and Africa cannot take root in the barren soil of selective amnesia. It must be nourished by truth, watered by memory, and protected by the courage to face history without flinching.
Will Europe persist in the comfort of abstention, or will it rise to the higher poetry of genuine engagement?
The eyes of Africa, the restless spirits of the ancestors, the billions represented by China and India, and generations yet unborn are watching.
The choice, as ever, rests with Europe.
Yours in the restless pursuit of a more honest humanity,
Seth K. Awuku.
About Seth K. Awuku
Policy analyst, writer, poet, and former immigration and refugee law practitioner in Canada; He writes on law, governance, diplomacy and international relations. He is Principal, Sovereign Advisory Ltd, Takoradi.
Email: sethawuku.sa@gmail.com
Tel: 0243022027
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