This humorous and insightful first-person piece by Gideon Donkor uses a whimsical business experiment to explore economic concepts through everyday experience. The author recounts his attempt to make money by taking over a neighbor’s amusement park (Funville) during Detty December, a peak tourist and holiday period, despite having little expertise in park operations. He outlines a plan to hike ticket prices without warning and introduce external food services, only to discover that the unintended consequences—reduced spending, lowered attendance, unhappy vendors and staff layoffs—mirror the effects of a currency appreciation in a small, closed economy.

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Robert Lucas once called economists “storytellers” who create “make-believe economic systems”. I did not become an economist, so I’ve tried other ways to make a living—most of my get-rich ideas haven’t worked out. Now, I have a new venture I think has potential, and I’d like to share its story with you.

Detty December is well underway, and I’m eager to make the most of the many visitors arriving in town. There’s an amusement park called Funville near my home. If you haven’t visited, picture a magical place full of thrilling rides, fantastic shows, and unforgettable snacks. The owner is Auntie Mercy, my next-door neighbor.

My plan is to persuade her to rent me the park so I can run it for a day. The arrangement is straightforward: I’ll pay her a fixed fee and keep all the money I earn during my day in charge. Since Auntie Mercy has managed Funville for years, she knows the usual profits at this time and will charge me accordingly. For this deal to be worthwhile, I must believe I can make even more from the park—and I do.

You may be wondering, “Gideon, what do you really know about running an amusement park?” Truthfully, aside from frequently visiting with my kids on weekends, I don’t have much direct experience. Still, the business model is pretty simple. Instead of cash, visitors buy tickets at the entrance to pay for attractions and food.

Each ticket costs GH¢1, and rides or meals are priced by the number of tickets required. The rides and food stands are operated by independent concessionaires, who collect tickets from customers during the day. Like casino chips, these tickets are later exchanged for cash once the day ends. The park owner makes money by taking a 10% commission on all tickets redeemed by concessionaires. This setup allows the owner to profit without being heavily involved in daily operations.

To promote fairness and reduce the need for haggling, concessionaires are required to post their prices on painted signs that remain unchanged throughout business hours. They typically employ temporary staff who are paid by the hour, as attendance varies. When business is slow, some workers might be sent home early. Park regulations state that employees also receive part of their pay in tickets, which can be used to purchase food or enjoy rides during their breaks.

Funville operates much like its own monetary system with a fixed exchange rate. The cashier’s office at the gate acts as the central bank, ready to exchange tickets (local currency) for cedis (foreign currency) at a set rate. Here’s my master plan (cue: Eric B & Rakim, “Paid in full”). On the day I take over, I will raise ticket prices to GH¢1.40 without any advance notice to the public or park staff. Employees will be notified that they can only enter the park once. If anyone wants food from outside the park, my two nephews will be available to bring it to them for an additional 20% fee. How will the day unfold?

When customers arrive at the ticket booth, they are surprised by the new price changes. This unexpected adjustment, following the Lucasian approach, sparks various reactions: some people become upset and leave, while those with a set budget end up purchasing just 71% of the tickets they would have otherwise bought. Meanwhile, the few big spenders barely react, paying the extra 40% without changing their behavior. I estimate that these buyers, motivated by Christmas festivities, heavy traffic, and a desire not to disappoint their children, will outnumber those who walk away due to the increase. Once inside the park, however, the situation shifts. It’s clear no one will buy more tickets than before the price hike; most will purchase fewer, resulting in a decrease in the total number of tickets—or the “money supply”—circulating in the amusement park’s economy compared to a typical day.

The concessionaires notice fewer visitors than usual. I think some of them might send their staff home early. Their concern grows as they see guests wandering the park without spending much on rides or food and because they were not forewarned, they cannot adjust prices downwards to attract customers. The atmosphere feels gloomy until news arrives that tickets are now valued at 40% more in cedis. Each operator quickly calculates whether the increase offsets their loss in ticket sales. Meanwhile, my two nephews benefit the most—they’re suddenly swamped with orders from staff who realize that even with a 20% surcharge, buying food outside the park is cheaper. As a result, the concessionaires experience another drop in local staff patronage.

At day’s end, it’s clear that my import agents (nephews) benefited most from my actions, which gave them opportunities to profit. I may have also managed to take advantage of customers and ended up with extra money. However, this comes at a cost: Auntie Mercy will face difficulties when she takes over, visitors are unlikely to return because of the price shock, and disappointed concessionaires will have lost money. Ultimately, the true losers are the consumers (visitors) and labor who became unemployed. By causing the currency to appreciate, I have reduced output and employment within my close system.

When asked about our top three exports, most people mention gold, oil, and cocoa, but they often overlook tourism, which is the second largest export. Tourism is classified as a service export because it brings foreign visitors who spend money on local services such as hotels, food, and attractions. This spending introduces foreign currency into the economy, just like exporting physical goods does. When international tourists pay for domestic goods and services—like transport, accommodation, and entertainment—their expenditures are counted as exports, strengthening the nation’s economy and trade balance. Instead of sending goods overseas, the country hosts foreign consumers who “consume” its services. This steady influx of foreign money is crucial for supporting jobs and significantly boosting GDP, making tourism a top service export. Last year tourism revenues was estimated at $4.8 billion and local tourism alone generated GH¢1.83 billion. In this fun park allegory, currency appreciation is like making tickets more valuable. While it may seem beneficial at first, it discourages tourists from spending money in the park because their own currency doesn’t go as far. In the real world, when a country’s currency appreciates, foreign tourists find it more expensive to visit and spend, which can hurt businesses and local tourism also falls as its cheaper to go abroad. But what do I know? Happy Holidays.

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The author, Gideon Donkor, is an avid reader, dog lover, foodie, closet sports genius but a non-financial expert.

This major analysis by Jean-Nicolas Bordeleau, Flinders University; Intifar Chowdhury, Flinders University, and Rodrigo Praino, Flinders University, highlights four key elections in 2026 that will serve as significant tests of democratic resilience globally.

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Amid increasing polarisation, disinformation and economic anxieties, the health of representative democracies will be tested in elections across all continents in 2026.

There are four pivotal elections that will either reinforce democratic norms or risk further eroding confidence in free and fair processes.

1. US midterms: a referendum on Trump

Scheduled for November 3, the US midterm elections will see all 435 seats in the House of Representatives up for grabs, as well as a third of the 100 Senate seats.

Historically, the party controlling the White House tends to lose ground in the midterms. This makes the 2026 elections a high-stakes moment for President Donald Trump. Current polling indicates the Republicans could lose control of the House and see their Senate majority winnowed down to two or three seats.

Trump has taken advantage of a pliant Congress to pass his legislation (such as the “big, beautiful bill”), get his judicial appointments approved and escape the usual oversight of his executive branch.

So, if Trump loses one or both chambers, it will likely lead to legislative gridlock. And, if the first Trump administration serves as an example, a Democrat-controlled House could mean trouble for the president.

More crucially, the 2026 midterms will be a test of the US democratic spirit two years into Trump’s second term. With persistent concerns over electoral integrity and democratic backsliding, the midterms will determine whether the Democrats in Congress have the ability to finally hold Trump to account.

2. Brazil: a return to normalcy?

Brazilians will go to the polls on October 4 to elect a new president, the National Congress, and state governors and legislators. The 79-year-old incumbent president, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, is seeking an unprecedented fourth term.

Lula has had a topsy-turvy political career thus far. In 2017, he was convicted of corruption and money laundering and began serving a 12-year sentence. This disqualified him from running in the 2018 general election.

Lula was freed in 2019 and his conviction was nullified two years later, paving the way for him to return to office in a narrow win over then-incumbent Jair Bolsonaro.

Lula’s third term in office started with a failed coup in early 2023 orchestrated by Bolsonaro and his allies. Bolsonaro has now been sentenced to 27 years in jail for his role in the attempted coup.

Meanwhile, Lula has had mixed reviews from voters, with recent polling showing just a third of Brazilians think he has done an excellent job and a third believe he’s been poor. The rest are in the middle.

With Jair Bolsonaro’s eldest son, Flavio, confirming his intention to run, the election will be a test of whether Bolsonarismo – Jair’s right-wing political movement – can survive under a new leader.

The election will also determine if Brazil can move beyond its recent history of polarisation and instability and safeguard its democracy.

3. Bangladesh: a major opportunity for Gen Z

Bangladesh’s February general election offers something the country has not seen in more than 15 years: a genuine opportunity for citizens – especially young people – to participate in a free, fair and competitive vote.

For the Gen Z activists who helped oust Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic government in 2024, this moment is consequential.

After the student uprising toppled Hasina, the power vacuum was filled with an interim government led by Nobel Peace Prizer winner Muhammad Yunus. It was tasked with repairing the institutions that had been hollowed out by one-party rule.

More than a year on, the administration has tried to restore the independence of the judiciary, election commission and media – essential foundations for any credible transition of power.

Youth leaders are now trying to use this momentum to enter the political system through their new National Citizens Party (NCP). However, they remain wary of reforms without firm legal guarantees.

Their emergence on the political scene signals a remarkable bottom-up transition in a country where nearly 40% of the population is under 18.

What happens in February will reverberate beyond Dhaka. A credible vote could anchor democratic norms and regional stability in South Asia. A compromised one risks squandering the youth-driven revival that made this election possible.

4. Quebec: renewed push for independence?

The Quebec general election, scheduled for October 5, presents a different kind of democratic challenge. This election will be rooted in identity and the ongoing question of national belonging within the Canadian federation.

This contest comes on the heels of the incumbent government’s controversial new laws mandating the use of the French language and expanding state secularism.

These issues will inevitably dominate the campaign and bring with it existential questions related to Quebec’s sovereignty.

The 2026 election is poised to be a battle for the hearts of Francophone voters, particularly between the governing centre-right Coalition Avenir Québec, the Liberal Party of Quebec and the resurgent Parti Québécois (PQ).

The PQ, which is currently leading in opinion polls, is openly committed to holding a third independence referendum.

While support for independence may not yet be at a majority level, a strong mandate for the PQ could reignite the sovereignty debate. This would bring significant constitutional tensions within Canada – and could very well shape the future of the country.

Jean-Nicolas Bordeleau, Research Fellow, Jeff Bleich Centre for Democracy and Disruptive Technologies, Flinders University; Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Jeff Bleich Centre for Democracy and Disruptive Technologies, Flinders University, and Rodrigo Praino, Professor & Director, Jeff Bleich Centre for Democracy and Disruptive Technologies, Flinders University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

This article by Kay Cudjoe draws a provocative parallel between former Ghanaian Finance Minister Ken Ofori-Atta and his international lawyer, Enayat Qasimi, arguing that Qasimi’s own past as a former Afghan government minister accused of abusing public office lends an ironic layer to his current defense of Ofori-Atta against corruption and extradition proceedings.

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Did you know that Enayat Qasimi, Ken Ofori-Atta’s international lawyer, is in many ways the Ken Ofori-Atta of Afghanistan? History has a sense of humor. Sometimes it even hires counsel.

Mr. Qasimi is no small name. He is a Washington D.C.-based attorney, partner and co-chair of international practice at a respected American law firm, armed with decades of experience and a confident baritone for television interviews. When Ken Ofori Atta needed a global defender to fight extradition, contest Red Notices, and lecture Ghana on due process, Mr Qasimi stepped forward like a man who knows the terrain well.

And he should. He has been there before.

Before the tailored suits and BBC soundbites, Enayatullah Qasimi was Afghanistan’s Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation and a legal adviser to President Hamid Karzai. A powerful office. Public money. Aircraft procurement. And then, allegations.

Afghan prosecutors accused him of misappropriation and abuse of authority over an aircraft deal said to be overpriced by millions. He was detained. Released on bail. Restricted from travel. The case never resolved into public exoneration. Instead, geography intervened. Kabul faded. Washington emerged.

A man once accused of abusing public office now stands as the loudest voice insisting that another man accused of abusing public office is a victim of politics. A former minister who once faced questions now demands that questions be treated as persecution when they approach his client.

Mr. Qasimi insists that Ken Ofori-Atta is not evading justice. He is merely abroad. Recuperating. Misunderstood. That Red Notices are unnecessary. That Ghana’s prosecutors are overreaching. That constitutional rights are being trampled. It is a familiar melody.

Those who know the song often learned it when the chorus first came for them.