Commentary
Violent aftermath of Mexico’s ‘El Mencho’ killing follows pattern of other high-profile cartel hits
The recent death of Jalisco New Generation Cartel leader Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, known as “El Mencho,” has triggered severe retaliatory violence in Mexico, resulting in at least 73 deaths. This article analyzes the event as part of a predictable and counterproductive pattern in Mexico’s security strategy. The author, Angélica Durán-Martínez, an expert on Latin American criminal groups, argues that while high-profile hits like this one serve political purposes by demonstrating action, they rarely dismantle criminal networks. Instead, they often lead to immediate violent backlash and longer-term fragmentation as factions fight for control.
Violent aftermath of Mexico’s ‘El Mencho’ killing follows pattern of other high-profile cartel hits
By Angélica Durán-Martínez, UMass Lowell
The death of a major cartel boss in Mexico has unleashed a violent backlash in which members of the criminal group have paralyzed some cities through blockades and attacks on property and security forces.
At least 73 people have died as a result of the operation to capture Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, or “El Mencho.” The head of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel was seriously wounded during a firefight with authorities on Feb. 22, 2026. He later died in custody.
As an expert in criminal groups and drug trafficking in Latin America who has been studying Mexico’s cartels for two decades, I see the violent aftermath of the operation as part of a pattern in which Mexican governments have opted for high-profile hits that often lead only to more violence without addressing the broader security problems that plague huge swaths of the country.
Who was ‘El Mencho’?
Like many other figures involved in Mexico’s drug trafficking, Oseguera Cervantes started at the bottom and made his way up the ranks. He spent some time in prison in the U.S., where he may have forged alliances with criminal gangs before being deported back to Mexico in 1997. There, he connected with the Milenio Cartel, an organization that first allied, and then fought with, the powerful Sinaloa Cartel.
Most of the information available points to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel forming under El Mencho around 2010, following the killing of Ignacio “Nacho” Coronel Villarreal, a Sinaloa Cartel leader and main link with the Milenio Cartel.
Since 2015, Jalisco New Generation Cartel has been known for its blatant attacks against security forces in Mexico – such as gunning down a helicopter in that year. And it has expanded its presence both across Mexico and internationally.
In Mexico, it is said to have a presence in all states. In some, the cartel has a direct presence and very strong local networks. In others, it has cultivated alliances with other trafficking organizations.
Besides drug trafficking, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel is also engaged in oil theft, people smuggling and extortion. As a result, it has become one of the most powerful cartels in Mexico.
What impact will his death have on the cartel?
There are a few potential scenarios, and a lot will depend on what succession plans Jalisco New Generation had in the event of Oseguera Cervantes’ capture or killing.
In general, these types of operations – in which security forces take out a cartel leader – lead to more violence, for a variety of reasons.
Mexicans have already experienced the immediate aftermath of Oseguera Cervantes’ death: retaliation attacks, blockades and official attempts to prevent civilians from going out. This is similar to what occurred after the capture of drug lord Ovidio Guzmán López in Sinaloa in 2019 and his second capture in 2023.
Violence flares in two ways following such high-profile captures and killings of cartel leaders.
In the short term, there is retaliation. At the moment, members of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel are seeking revenge against Mexico’s security forces and are also trying to assert their regional authority despite El Mencho’s death.
These retaliatory campaigns tend to be violent and flashy. They include blockades as well as attacks against security forces and civilians.
Then there is the longer-term violence associated with any succession. This can take the form of those who are below Oseguera Cervantes in rank fighting for control. But it can also result from rival groups trying to take advantage of any leadership vacuum.
The level and duration of violence depend on a few factors, such as whether there was a succession plan and what kind of alliances are in place with other cartels. But generally, operations in which a cartel boss is removed lead to more violence and fragmentation of criminal groups.
Of course, people like Oseguera Cervantes who have violated laws and engaged in violence need to be captured. But in the long run, that doesn’t do anything to dismantle networks of criminality or reduce the size of their operations.
What is the current state of security in Mexico?
The upsurge in violence after Oseguera Cervantes’ killing occurs as some indicators in Mexico’s security situation seemed to be improving.
For example, homicide rates declined in 2025 – which is an important indicator of security.
But other measures are appalling. Disappearances are still unsettlingly high. The reality that many Mexicans experience on the ground is one where criminal organizations remain powerful and embedded in the local ecosystems that connect state agents, politicians and criminals in complex networks.
Criminal organizations are engaged in what we academics call “criminal governance.” They engage in a wide range of activities and regulate life in communities – sometimes coercively, but sometimes also with some degree of legitimacy from the population.
In some states like Sinaloa, despite the operations to take out cartel’s leaders, the illicit economies are still extensive and profitable. But what’s more important is that levels of violence remain high and the population is still suffering deeply.
The day-to-day reality for people in some of these regions is still one of fear.
And in the greater scheme of things, criminal networks are still very powerful – they are embedded in the country’s economy and politics, and connect to communities in complex ways.
How does the El Mencho operation fit Mexico’s strategy on cartels?
The past two governments vowed to reduce the militarization of security forces. But the power of the military in Mexico has actually expanded.
The government of President Claudia Sheinbaum wanted a big, visible hit at a time when the U.S. is pushing for more militarized policies to counter Mexico’s trafficking organizations.
But this dynamic is not new. Most U.S. and Mexican policy regarding drug trafficking organizations has historically emphasized these high-profile captures – even if it is just for short-term gains.
It’s easier to say “we captured a drug lord” than address broader issues of corruption or impunity. Most of the time when these cartel leaders are captured or killed, there is generally no broader justice. It isn’t accompanied with authorities investigating disappearances, murders, corruption or even necessarily halting the flow of drugs.
Captures and killings of cartel leaders serve a strategic purpose of showing that something is being done, but the effectiveness of such policies in the long run is very limited.
Of course, taking out a drug lord is not a bad thing. But if it does not come with a broader dismantling of criminal networks and an accompanying focus on justice, then the main crimes that these groups commit – homicides, disappearances and extortion – will continue to affect the daily life of people. And the effect on illicit flows is, at best, meager.
Angélica Durán-Martínez, Associate Professor of Political Science, UMass Lowell
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Commentary
Reflections on Ghana And the Future it Deserves | By Simone Giger, Swiss Ambassador to Ghana
As her diplomatic tenure in West Africa draws to a close, Swiss Ambassador Simone Giger pens a reflective and heartfelt tribute to Ghana’s enduring national character. Having traveled extensively across the country—from Paga to Keta and Wa to Goaso—she offers an intimate, human-centered assessment of a nation defined by its resilient democratic culture, youthful ambition, and an infectious “vibe” that fosters cohesion. In this candid farewell, Ambassador Giger explores the complex challenges threatening Ghana’s ecological treasures and argues that sustained institutional reform, rather than outside invention, is the key to unlocking the prosperous future the country so clearly deserves.
Travelling through northern Ghana, this author once stopped in a small community after a long journey. Despite the day’s heat and the demands of daily life, residents welcomed visitors with warm smiles, easy laughter and an eagerness to share stories about their hopes for the future.
It was a simple encounter, yet it captured something profoundly Ghanaian: an enduring optimism that persists even in difficult circumstances.
In diplomacy, countries are often assessed through official meetings, economic indicators and policy documents. Yet to truly understand a nation, one must travel through it, listen to its people, appreciate its strengths, observe its contradictions and understand the aspirations that shape everyday life.
As the end of a diplomatic assignment in Ghana approaches, this author finds reason to reflect deeply on a country that has left a lasting impression, not only professionally but personally.
Over the past four years, extensive travels across Ghana—from Paga to Keta, Damongo to Donkokrom, and Wa to Goaso—have revealed a country of extraordinary diversity, complexity, creativity and resilience.
Every journey has unveiled a different dimension of Ghana. Yet one common thread consistently emerges: a nation brimming with potential.
There is something profoundly remarkable about Ghana and its national character, what many Ghanaians simply describe as the country’s “vibe”.
It is evident in the warmth extended to strangers, the humour with which difficulties are confronted and the optimism that endures even during periods of uncertainty.
Even in challenging moments, there is often a joke, a proverb or a story that helps place events in perspective.
In this author’s view, that national character has become one of the essential ingredients behind Ghana’s democratic success.
At a time when democratic systems around the world are facing increasing pressure, polarisation and distrust, Ghana continues to distinguish itself through its commitment to dialogue, constitutional order and peaceful coexistence.
Democracy here is not perfect. No democracy truly is, including Switzerland’s.
What matters is that it remains alive, active and deeply valued by citizens.
Over the years, Ghana has established itself as an important democratic reference point in West Africa.
The country has repeatedly demonstrated that political competition can coexist with stability, that transfers of power can occur peacefully and that national debates can take place within institutional frameworks rather than outside them.
Such achievements should never be taken for granted.
Democracy is not sustained by elections alone.
It requires strong institutions, active citizens, credible public discourse and a continuous willingness to negotiate consensus across political, ethnic, religious and generational lines.
One can observe that Ghana’s diversity presents both opportunities and challenges. Yet this author has often admired the manner in which the country continues to navigate these varied interests while preserving national cohesion.
In many respects, this is where Ghana’s democratic future becomes particularly important.
The country possesses extraordinary human capital.
Wherever this author travelled, young people displayed ambition, intelligence, creativity and determination.
Ghana’s greatest resource is not found beneath the ground.
It resides in its people, their ideas and their aspirations.
Ideas and aspirations, however, require systems that function effectively if they are to translate into meaningful and productive outcomes.
When institutions are transparent, responsive, accountable and trusted, they unlock innovation, investment and opportunity.
When they are weak or inconsistent, they risk frustrating the very energy capable of propelling a nation forward.
This is why governance reforms remain so important to Ghana’s long-term trajectory.
One development that particularly impressed this author during the diplomatic assignment has been Ghana’s constitutional review process.
What stands out is not only the process itself, but also the spirit behind it – a willingness to reflect critically on how democratic governance can evolve to meet contemporary realities and future expectations.
This demonstrates political maturity.
Constitutions should never be viewed as static documents frozen in time.
Strong democracies periodically examine whether their systems remain responsive, inclusive and effective.
Ghana’s consultative approach reflects a country seeking not merely to preserve democracy, but to improve it.
Switzerland is proud to support these home-grown efforts and remains committed to supporting the constitutional reform process until its hoped-for successful conclusion.
History demonstrates that democratic stability does not emerge automatically.
It requires deliberate investment in participation, inclusion and dialogue.
Swiss democracy itself evolved gradually through compromise, negotiation and the understanding that national cohesion is strengthened when citizens feel ownership over public decisions.
One can observe important similarities between Ghana and Switzerland.
Both countries are diverse societies that have chosen coexistence over division.
Both understand that stability is strongest when different voices are heard and accommodated.
Both appreciate the importance of consensus-building in national life.
This shared philosophy has shaped bilateral cooperation over many decades.
Today, the partnership continues to evolve in both breadth and depth.
Switzerland currently supports initiatives focused on democratic governance, parliamentary cooperation, decentralisation, peace and security, cultural exchange, environmental integrity, climate adaptation and economic development.
Switzerland and Ghana may differ in geography, history and scale, yet both countries share a belief in dialogue and cooperation as foundations for national progress.
Despite Ghana’s bright prospects, one cannot ignore the challenges confronting the country.
No nation can fully realise its potential without confronting difficult issues directly.
During the years spent in Ghana, citizens from various walks of life spoke openly about concerns surrounding institutional effectiveness, economic opportunity, environmental degradation and governance accountability.
Such conversations reflected not pessimism, but a desire to see the country fulfil its promise.
Particularly concerning is the destruction caused by illegal mining activities.
Ghana’s rivers, forests and landscapes are among its greatest treasures.
Environmental degradation is not merely an ecological issue.
It is fundamentally a matter of intergenerational responsibility.
Future prosperity depends on preserving the natural foundation upon which communities, livelihoods and national identity are built.
Yet despite these challenges, this author remains deeply optimistic about Ghana’s future.
That optimism stems not from idealism but from observation.
The future of democracy globally will not be shaped only by geopolitical actors or large states.
Medium-sized countries such as Switzerland and Ghana also have important roles to play.
They can demonstrate that democratic resilience, peaceful coexistence and institutional reform remain both possible and necessary.
As this diplomatic assignment draws to a close, there is profound gratitude for the opportunity to have lived and worked in Ghana.
Over the years, this author has come to admire the country not only for its democratic achievements, but also for its humanity – its warmth, creativity, humour and enduring sense of possibility.
The task ahead is not to invent Ghana’s future.
Rather, it is to create the institutional conditions necessary for that future to emerge fully.
From all that has been observed across the country, there is every reason to believe that Ghana can achieve precisely that.
The author, Simone Giger, is the Swiss Ambassador to Ghana, Togo and Benin
This article by Joseph McCarthy, an analyst and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel, argues that modern influence in Africa often spreads not through propaganda but through credible African voices that carry narratives aligned with the interests of external powers. Read the full article below.
Authentic Voices, Foreign Narratives and the Fortune Madondo Case
How Russian narratives are travelling through authentic African voices, and what the Fortune Madondo case reveals about it
By Joseph McCarthy
For years, the word disinformation conjured a familiar picture: troll farms, fake accounts and automated bots flooding the internet with crude propaganda. Those methods still exist, but influence operations have matured. The most effective messenger today is rarely an anonymous account. It is a real person, with a real name, a credible public profile and convictions he appears to hold sincerely.
The case of Fortune Madondo illustrates the shift. He is no online provocateur hiding behind a pseudonym; he is a Zimbabwean teacher and the founder of a youth organisation, with a documented life in his community. He writes under his own name, identified in his byline only as an “African Teacher,” with no institution given, and his views seem consistent with his stated beliefs. What matters is less who he is than what he carries. Across more than fifty articles in twelve months, most of them on Pan-African platforms, the line never wavers: praise for the military juntas of the Sahel, attacks on Western governments and on AFRICOM, condemnation of France’s role in Africa, and the celebration of resource sovereignty against foreign plunder. Whether by design or by conviction, these themes closely align with the narratives Moscow has sought to amplify across the continent.
That alignment, not the man, is the point. Influence no longer requires recruitment, payment or instruction. A foreign power’s objectives can be served just as well by people who believe every word they write, because the force of the message lies in its local authenticity. A reader will trust an African voice discussing African problems far sooner than a communiqué from Moscow. So the useful question is not whether Fortune Madondo is a Russian agent; there is no public evidence that he is. The question is who benefits when local voices, sincere or not, repeatedly reinforce narratives that happen to serve a foreign strategy.
Consider how this interacts with Pan-Africanism. Russia has spent years presenting itself as a champion of African sovereignty and an enemy of colonialism, language that resonates because it draws on real historical wounds. Madondo’s writing sits comfortably within that tradition, and many African intellectuals share his instincts. Yet the scrutiny runs in only one direction. The West is relentlessly interrogated; Moscow, despite its expanding military, mining, and political footprint, is almost never asked the same questions. If Pan-Africanism is the defence of African sovereignty against all external control, the principle must apply evenly. When French deployments are called neo-colonial, Russian military contractors deserve the same examination; when Western extraction is condemned, so should Russian mining concessions. When he co-signed an appeal in late 2024 demanding both that Russian troops leave Ukraine and that French troops leave Africa, the false symmetry itself did Moscow’s work. A Pan-Africanism that suspects only one power risks sliding from a doctrine of independence into an instrument of another’s ambition.
The Madondo question also points to a place: Ghana. Over the past two years, the country has drawn growing attention from foreign actors keen to enter its media space, and the reason is structural. Ghana is one of Africa’s most respected democracies and a heavyweight in anglophone media; what is published in Accra travels across West Africa and beyond. In December 2025, Ghanaian journalists attended a SputnikPro seminar co-organised by the Russian Embassy and the Ghana-Russia Centre, led by Vasily Pushkov of Rossiya Segodnya, the state group behind the Sputnik news agency. Other moves followed, among them a cooperation agreement with Ghana’s main journalism university and the opening of a Russian cultural centre. None of this is illegal. But influence secured in Ghana enjoys a multiplier effect that few other markets offer.
The mechanism is quieter than propaganda and more durable. People do not trust propaganda; they trust outlets they already consider credible. A publication earns that trust through genuine local reporting, and the reader then assumes that everything on the page has cleared the same editorial bar. That is where credibility is transferred: from the newsroom’s real work to syndicated columns, opinion pieces and, on some platforms, verbatim Russian state material set at the same level as a story on local agriculture. Repetition completes the effect. Ten near-identical articles across ten outlets read as an independent consensus; the reader concludes that everyone is saying this, when in truth, the same viewpoint is simply circling back. Influence here comes not from proving a claim, but from normalising it.
The significance of the Madondo case, then, is not the unmasking of an operative; the evidence does not support that, and the chase would miss the point. It is the growing difficulty of telling sincere conviction apart from narratives engineered to serve someone else’s strategy, in an environment where influence travels through authentic voices, trusted platforms and ideas that genuinely resonate. The defence is not a hunt for enemies but the slower work of critical thinking, editorial transparency and media literacy. The question is no longer simply who is speaking. It is whose interests are served when the same narrative is amplified, again and again, across the continent.
Joseph McCarthy is an analyst and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, development, and African diplomacy. Email: joecarthy30@gmail.com
Ghana has inked a £215 million ( $287. 5 million) deal with the United Kingdom, anchored by a £101 million ($135.05 million) floating dock in Takoradi.
If successful, it will become the Gulf of Guinea’s first modern, commercially operated ship repair facility.
Here is what is at stake.
1. The Gulf of Guinea Loses Millions While Ships Sail Elsewhere for Repairs
The Gulf of Guinea is one of Africa’s busiest shipping corridors, crowded with oil tankers, cargo vessels, and offshore support ships. Yet almost all major repairs happen outside the region, often in Namibia, Spain, or beyond. Every vessel that bypasses West Africa carries away not just steel but also jobs, technical knowledge, and national revenue. The region pays the repair bill elsewhere and receives none of the associated economic ripple effects.
2. A Floating Dock Is Only the Beginning – The Real Prize Is a Maritime Services Cluster
The dock itself is just hardware. The true opportunity lies in building a complete ecosystem around it: logistics, steel fabrication, waste management, security, crew training, catering, and port-side supply chains. Without these supporting industries, the dock becomes an isolated asset rather than an engine of local employment.
3. Ghana Already Has Indigenous Firms Ready to Scale
Homegrown players such as Rigworld have proven capabilities in marine and industrial services. The pivotal question is whether this project allows those firms to grow or whether foreign operators will absorb the most valuable contracts. Local-content policies will determine the answer.
4. Success Depends on Transparent, Proactive Government Measures
Infrastructure alone guarantees nothing. Authorities must publish tender opportunities clearly and early, establish a centralized supplier portal, offer certification support to local businesses, and ensure that Ghanaian small and medium enterprises can access affordable working capital. Without deliberate rules, international firms may capture the entire supply chain while domestic companies watch from the shore.
5. If Ghana Succeeds, Takoradi Becomes a Blueprint for African Value Retention
Should Ghana get this right, the floating dock could become a template for how African economies retain more value from their own geographic advantages. If it fails, the region will simply have acquired another expensive piece of imported equipment with little local benefit. The Gulf of Guinea offers no shortage of ships. Whether Ghanaian businesses—not just foreign firms—will profit from them remains the only question that truly matters.
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