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‘Words Aren’t Reparations’: Pan-Africanist Shanell R Oliver Demands Catholic Church Unburden ‘Ill-Gotten’ Wealth From 400 Years of Enslaving Africans

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A viral video by a Pan-African blogger is urging the Catholic Church to move beyond apologies and pay financial reparations for its documented role in authorizing and profiting from the enslavement of African people for centuries.

Shanell R Oliver, a social commentator whose video has trended across multiple platforms, argues that the Church’s leadership sanctioned the transatlantic slave trade for approximately 400 years, accumulating “tens of trillions of dollars” from the European nations it empowered to traffic, brand, chain, and destroy African lives. She asserts that the only credible apology is not words but the “unburdening of ill-gotten wealth.”

“It wasn’t theology. It was money. It’s always been money,” Oliver says in the video. “An apology without reparations is not accountability. It’s reputation management.”

The video’s resurgence comes less than two weeks after Pope Leo XIV issued what is widely regarded as the Vatican’s most explicit apology to date for the Church’s historical complicity in slavery, though he stopped short of endorsing financial reparations.

The Pope’s Apology: ‘A Wound in Christian Memory’

In his first major teaching document, the encyclical Magnifica Humanitas (“Magnificent Humanity”), released on May 25, 2026, Pope Leo XIV offered a “sincere” apology on behalf of the Catholic Church for its role in legitimising slavery and delaying its condemnation for centuries.

“This constitutes a wound in Christian memory, one from which we cannot consider ourselves detached,” the Pope wrote. “For this, in the name of the Church, I sincerely ask for pardon.”

The Pontiff acknowledged that Church authorities had at times responded to the demands of sovereigns by “regulating and legitimising forms of subjugation, including the enslavement of non-Christians,” and admitted that ecclesiastical institutions owned slaves during the Middle Ages.

However, the encyclical explicitly frames the Church’s response within the language of “restorative justice,” which the Pope said should focus on restoring dignity, healing collective memory, and addressing the lasting effects of past abuses, rather than financial compensation.

Pope Leo’s apology stopped short of endorsing a formal reparations program for descendants of enslaved people, a position advocacy groups have criticised as insufficient.

The Church as ‘First and Largest Corporate Slave Holder’

Oliver’s video contends that the Church’s complicity was not peripheral but institutional. She describes the Catholic Church as “the first and largest corporate slave holder in the Americas,” naming multiple religious orders—the Jesuits, Dominicans, Augustinians, Franciscans, Benedictines, the Sisters of Charity, the Sisters of Loreto, and the Trappists—as holding African people in bondage.

Historical scholarship supports the claim that Catholic orders were extensive slaveholders. The Jesuits alone held more than 20,000 enslaved Africans, and in 1838, the Maryland Province of the Society of Jesus sold 272 enslaved individuals to fund what is now Georgetown University.

The sale, brokered by Rev. Thomas Mulledy, S.J., sent Hawkins and the others to plantations in Louisiana. In 2017, Georgetown University renamed two campus buildings formerly named for Mulledy and Rev. William McSherry, S.J. Isaac Hawkins Hall now honours the man listed first on the 1838 sale documents.

Papal Bulls That Authorised Enslavement

Oliver’s reference to 400 years of papal authorisation is grounded in a series of 15th-century papal bulls that provided religious and moral justification for the enslavement of non-Christians.

  • Dum Diversas (1452) – Issued by Pope Nicholas V, this bull granted King Afonso V of Portugal “full and free permission to invade, search out, capture and subjugate the Saracens and pagans … and to reduce their persons into perpetual slavery”.
  • Romanus Pontifex (1455) – Affirmed Portugal’s exclusive rights to territories discovered along the West African coast and further legitimised the slave trade.
  • Inter Caetera (1456) – Issued by Pope Calixtus III, this bull reaffirmed the earlier bulls and extended Portugal’s authority over African territories.

Later popes, including Pope Paul III in the 1537 bull Sublimus Dei, condemned the unjust enslavement of non-Christians, though the Church did not issue a “formal, absolute and universal condemnation of slavery” until the 19th century.

Ghana and the Global Reparations Movement

Oliver’s demand for restitution aligns with a broader movement gaining momentum across Africa and the diaspora. Ghana, where an estimated 12 to 15 million Africans were forcibly shipped across the Atlantic between the 16th and 19th centuries, has emerged as a leading voice in the reparations campaign.

In March 2026, Ghana successfully spearheaded a United Nations resolution recognising the enslavement of Africans as the “gravest crime against humanity.” The resolution, submitted by Ghanaian President John Mahama and backed by the African Union, seeks to establish a framework for healing, reparations, and addressing the enduring legacies of slavery and racial discrimination.

Following Pope Leo XIV’s apology, Ghana’s government welcomed the Pontiff’s statement as an “act of moral courage” but stopped short of declaring the matter closed. Human Rights Watch also responded that while the apology was important, “words alone were insufficient,” and that genuine reparative justice requires concrete action from religious institutions, governments, and corporations that benefited from slavery.

The Argument for Reparations

Oliver’s video draws a direct line from the wealth extracted from enslaved Africans—which she argues built cathedrals, funded missions, and filled Vatican coffers—to the present-day obligation to return it.

“The bones of African people are buried under the foundation of every cathedral that wealth built,” she says. “That is not a wound in memory. That is a crime without a verdict.”

She dismisses the distinction between “restorative justice” and financial restitution, arguing that without the unburdening of actual wealth, apologies function merely as reputation management.

“St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas theologically defended the keeping of humans in bondage,” she notes. “St. Gregory the Great gave enslaved people to his friends as gifts. Words aren’t reparations. An encyclical isn’t justice. And absolution cannot be self-administered.”

What Comes Next

The Vatican has not responded directly to the specific demands made in Oliver’s video. Pope Leo XIV’s recent 11-day, four-nation tour of Africa—his first visit to the continent as pontiff—included strong criticism of foreign exploitation of Africa’s natural wealth but did not announce any financial restitution program.

Ghana is expected to host an international conference in June 2026 to discuss next steps following the UN resolution on slavery as a crime against humanity.

For activists like Oliver, the measure of the Church’s sincerity will not be found in encyclicals but in whether it is willing to translate its apology into assets returned.

“If you didn’t know, now you know,” she concludes.

Ghana News

Funding Fears Loom For Ghana’s Life-Saving Malaria Vaccine Five Years After Roll Out

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Under the shade of a giant tree in Adaklu, in Ghana’s Volta Region, mothers balance their children on their hips as they wait their turn to be vaccinated.

Among them is 27-year-old Adeline Ahitroga, a mother of four, carrying her seven-month-old twins, a boy strapped to her back and a girl held close to her chest, for their second dose of the malaria vaccine.

“I’m really glad I can protect my twins,” she said. “When my older children had malaria as babies, they would develop a fever and become weak. I was always afraid they could die. As a mother, you just wish you could take the sickness away from them.”

Five years after Ghana became one of the first countries to pilot the malaria vaccine, the program is saving children’s lives, but experts warn that sustaining those gains will depend on reliable financing and continued support for complementary malaria control measures.

A Decades-Long Search for a Vaccine

Malaria, spread through infected mosquitoes, can cause high fever, weakness, and life-threatening complications, particularly in young children. In 2024, malaria killed about 610,000 people worldwide, with Africa accounting for 95% of those deaths—children under five among the hardest hit.

For decades, a vaccine remained elusive, in part because the parasite that causes the disease is complex. That changed in 2021, when the World Health Organization (WHO) recommended wider use of the RTS,S vaccine—the result of more than three decades of scientific research, developed by GlaxoSmithKline and its partners. It targets Plasmodium falciparum, the parasite responsible for the deadliest form of malaria.

At the time, WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus celebrated the milestone: “This long-awaited malaria vaccine is a breakthrough for science, child health, and malaria control.”

Ghana’s Pilot Program Shows Results

Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi were the first countries to pilot the vaccine. In Ghana, it is scheduled at 6, 7, 9, and 18 months of age—meaning health workers must persuade caregivers to return again and again.

In Adaklu, the district health directorate reports that nearly 70% of eligible children have completed all four doses. It also reports that annual malaria cases among children under five have fallen from about 6,000 to 2,000, with no deaths since the vaccine was introduced alongside existing malaria control measures.

Dopea Kulafa, 32, has completed all four doses for her two youngest children, aged four years and 23 months.

“My two children have been doing well since they took the vaccine,” she said. “At first, I was worried about the side effects. But after about three days, they were fine. I gave them paracetamol syrup and they recovered. From my experience, the vaccine is helping my children. And I’d encourage other mothers to get their babies vaccinated.”

Overcoming Hesitancy

Yet health workers face challenges. Emilia Tanyeva, a health worker involved in community outreach in Adaklu, says the task of persuading caregivers to return for multiple doses is becoming more difficult due to suspicions in some areas.

“Some caregivers believe that it’s a way of reducing their population,” she said. “They want to kill their children or wipe out the children that they are giving birth to.”

Others worry the malaria vaccine adds too many injections to their children’s routine immunizations.

The Importance of Completing the Schedule

Inside the Vaccine Research Laboratory at the Noguchi Memorial Institute for Medical Research in Accra, immunology professor Kwejo Asamuakusi explained why completing all four doses is critical.

“If you just do one or two, it will protect you for a few weeks to a few months, and then it’s gone,” he said. “And if at that point you feel like you are vaccinated against malaria, your child in a year’s time could easily succumb to malaria. But doing all the four extends how long that protection lasts for them. So it’s very important that we finish all of it.”

Landmark Study Finds 13% Reduction in Deaths

Since WHO recommended wider use in 2021, researchers have continued to assess the vaccine’s impact. A 2026 study published in The Lancet found that vaccinated children across Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi had a 13% lower risk of death from all causes.

“Basically, in these communities, the malaria vaccine prevented approximately one in eight deaths of children that were non-accidental, non-injury related,” said Dr. William Moss, a professor of epidemiology and deputy director of the Johns Hopkins Malaria Research Institute.

Moss said the findings are significant because the reduction in deaths was observed even though many children had not completed the full vaccine schedule. But he warned that sustaining those gains will require the vaccine to complement—not replace—existing malaria control measures.

“If funding for bed nets and surveillance, testing and treatment all decline, we’re going to see more people, unfortunately and tragically, infected with the parasite, developing disease, and even in the face of the vaccines, we’re going to see a larger disease burden,” he said.

Funding Concerns

That warning comes as global health financing faces growing pressure. Disruptions to U.S. foreign assistance, including the dismantling of USAID, have created a $78.2 million health financing gap for Ghana, affecting several interventions, including malaria programs.

Ghana is co-financing its immunization program with Gavi, the Global Vaccine Alliance. Ghana’s obligation is expected to reach $54 million next year and $60 million by 2030. Health Minister Kwabna Minta Akando says the government will find the money to fully finance the program when Gavi leaves in 2030.

But Gladys Damalin, Programmes Manager at Hope for Future Generations, a civil society organization advocating better health policies, says the government must be clearer about where the money will come from.

“What used to be like a death sentence for our children under five, now most of them, because of the malaria vaccines, they are surviving, which is great news for us,” she said. “The question is sustaining and ensuring that every district is covered. That is it.”

She wants a dedicated immunization budget so allocations and disbursements can be tracked more easily.

What’s Next

Back in Adaklu, mothers continue to bring their children for malaria vaccination, holding on to the promise of greater protection.

But experts say whether that promise translates into lasting progress will depend on Ghana’s ability to finance the program and sustain the wider measures that keep malaria in check.

Editor’s Note: Information for this story was culled from reporting by Ridwan Karim Dini-Osman for The World

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Major Sexual Abuse Scandal Rocks Ghana High School: Obuasi School Headmaster Sues Journalist for GH¢2 Million as Investigation Into Alleged Misconduct Widens

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A sexual abuse scandal at a secondary school in Ghana’s Ashanti Region has escalated into a legal battle, with the interdicted headmaster filing a multi-million-Ghana cedi defamation suit against the investigative journalist who exposed the allegations, even as a prominent civil society organization demands swift, independent probes and stronger protections for survivors.

The Allegations

The case centers on Obuasi Senior High Technical School (SHTS) and its headmaster, Zakaria Abdulai, who has been accused of sexual misconduct and abuse by multiple female students.

The allegations were brought to national attention through an investigative documentary by journalist Manasseh Azure Awuni, published by the Multimedia Group. The exposé, titled Inside the Dreaded Headmaster’s Bungalow, detailed claims that the headmaster engaged in sexual misconduct involving students at the school.

Abdulai has denied all allegations against him.

Official Response and Interdiction

Following the documentary’s broadcast and the ensuing public outcry, Ghana’s Ministry of Education and the Ghana Education Service (GES) intervened. The headmaster was interdicted on October 14, 2026 pending a full investigation, a move that removes him from his post while authorities examine the claims.

The Minister for Education referred the criminal aspects of the matter to the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) and directed the headmaster’s suspension. The Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU) in Bekwai has forwarded a docket on one complaint to the Attorney-General’s Department for legal advice. The school was temporarily closed following unrest among students.

Investigation Hurdles

Educational authorities and parliamentary stakeholders have faced mounting pressure to ensure a swift and transparent probe.

However, committees established to investigate the matter have encountered obstacles, including low student turnout attributed to parental hesitation and concerns about alleged external interference.

Defamation Lawsuit

In a dramatic legal twist, the interdicted headmaster has filed a GH¢2 million defamation lawsuit against Manasseh Azure Awuni and the Multimedia Group. Abdulai claims the reports severely damaged his reputation, his marriage, and his professional standing.

The lawsuit raises complex questions about press freedom, the rights of the accused to due process, and the ability of survivors and journalists to report abuse without fear of legal retaliation.

CSJ Demands Accountability

The Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) , a prominent Ghanaian social justice organization, issued a strongly worded press statement on October 23, 2026, expressing deep concern over the allegations and outlining a series of demands.

While acknowledging that the allegations “have not been proven in court” and that the headmaster “is entitled to the presumption of innocence and to a fair process,” CSJ warned that “the presumption of innocence must never become a reason for delay, or for silencing those who have come forward.”

The organization highlighted particularly troubling reports that complaints were raised with school management as early as February 2026, with the Municipal Education Directorate in March, and further incidents allegedly reported in June and July. According to CSJ, if accurate, these reports “point to a failure of safeguarding systems, and not only to the alleged conduct of one individual.”

Key Demands from CSJ

  1. Independent and time-bound investigations — The Police and Attorney-General’s Department should conclude the criminal process without delay, and the administrative inquiry should be led independently of officials whose handling of complaints may come under scrutiny, with findings made public.
  2. Accountability for institutional failure — Any official found to have ignored, suppressed, or mishandled complaints, or discouraged students from reporting, should face disciplinary action with due process.
  3. Protection and support for survivors and witnesses — Affected students should receive confidential medical, psychosocial, legal, and educational support, and protection from intimidation, retaliation, and victim-blaming. CSJ stressed that “no student should lose her education because she spoke out,” and that the Children’s Act, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child must be fully upheld where affected students are under 18.
  4. A safe reopening — Before Obuasi SHTS reopens, GES should ensure independent safeguarding arrangements, counselling for students, and clear, confidential channels for reporting abuse.
  5. System-wide reform — The Ministry of Education should commission an independent national audit of sexual misconduct and safeguarding systems in secondary schools, enforce the GES Code of Conduct, introduce mandatory reporting with confidential channels, and publish regular public reports on cases and outcomes.

CSJ also called on the media and public to protect survivors’ identities and follow the principle of “do no harm” while keeping everyone accountable, stressing that “no office, position, or political affiliation should shield anyone from accountability.”

Broader Implications

The Obuasi SHTS case has ignited intense national discussions about student safety, institutional accountability, and the handling of abuse reports in Ghanaian second-cycle institutions. It raises pressing questions about whether schools have adequate safeguarding mechanisms, whether complaints are taken seriously when first raised, and whether survivors can come forward without fear of stigma or retaliation.

The case also highlights tensions between the rights of the accused to due process and the need to protect vulnerable students, a balancing act that CSJ addressed directly in its statement.

What’s Next

The criminal investigation and administrative inquiry are ongoing. The defamation lawsuit against Manasseh Azure Awuni and the Multimedia Group is expected to proceed, with potential implications for investigative journalism in Ghana.

Meanwhile, CSJ has expressed readiness to work with the Ministry of Education, GES, DOVVSU, the Department of Social Welfare, and fellow civil society organizations “to ensure that justice is done for the students of Obuasi SHTS and that no school in Ghana becomes a place of fear for its students.”

As the nation watches, the outcome of this case may set a precedent for how Ghana handles sexual abuse allegations in educational institutions, and whether accountability extends beyond individuals to the systems meant to protect students.

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Moscow Backs Ghana’s BRICS Ambition, With a Caveat: ‘Substance, Not Just Signals’

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Russia has thrown its weight behind Ghana’s quest to join BRICS, but Moscow’s endorsement comes with a pointed caveat: enthusiasm alone will not secure a seat at the table.

In written responses to questions on Ghana’s BRICS ambition, Russian Ambassador to Ghana Andrei Ordash said Moscow “welcomes Ghana’s growing interest” in the grouping and regards it as evidence of Accra’s readiness to deepen cooperation with states playing an increasingly prominent role in the global economy and international politics.

But the Ambassador was equally clear that political signalling must be matched by economic delivery.

“It is important that such work is underpinned by concrete measures, the development of trade, investment, industrial cooperation, scientific and technical ties, and other areas that serve the long-term interests of the Ghanaian people,” Ordash said.

The formulation amounts to a diplomatic reality check for Accra: Russia’s backing is supportive, but not unconditional, and not sufficient on its own.

Consensus, Not a Single Backer

Ordash stressed that decisions on BRICS expansion are taken “by all BRICS members by consensus and in accordance with established procedures,” a reminder that Moscow’s goodwill cannot single-handedly deliver membership for Ghana.

Russia, he said, is ready to “engage in constructive dialogue with its Ghanaian partners on matters relating to cooperation with BRICS, to share its experience and to facilitate the development of ties with this organization.”

The Ambassador framed BRICS as an association built on “sovereign equality, mutual respect, consideration of national interests and consensus,” insisting it is “not directed against any countries” and does not require members to cease cooperation with other international partners.

The Economic Case and Its Limits

Ordash laid out the scale of the bloc: BRICS member states account for 47 per cent of the world’s population, over 30 per cent of global agricultural land, 40 per cent of global GDP at purchasing power parity and 23 per cent of total global trade.

But he was candid about what BRICS is not.

“It is also important to understand that BRICS is not a single trade market with a common customs territory, nor does it have a universal financial fund that automatically provides funds to all participants,” he said. “Tangible economic results will depend on the substance of the agreements concluded, the competitiveness of enterprises, the quality of investment projects and the willingness of the partners themselves to participate in their implementation.”

Russia, he added, sees opportunities to expand collaboration with Ghana in energy, industry, agriculture, education, science and technology, including joint projects involving partners from other BRICS countries.

No ‘Either-Or’ With the West

Addressing concerns that closer alignment with BRICS could complicate Ghana’s relations with Western partners, Ordash said a potential partnership “should not be viewed as a choice between one set of partners and another.”

“Ghana is entitled to determine for itself how to balance its cooperation with BRICS states, Western countries, African partners and international financial institutions,” he said, adding that Russia does not make cooperation with Moscow “contingent upon such decisions.”

He conceded that expanding partnerships “does not rule out commercial and financial risks,” but argued these should be assessed on specific circumstances rather than on “the mere fact of participation in the group.”

The Takeaway

For Accra, the message from Moscow is supportive but sober: Russia will champion Ghana’s BRICS interest and share its experience, but the onus is on Ghana to build the trade, investment and industrial case an,d to win over every BRICS member, not just the Kremlin.

As Ordash put it, Ghana’s interest “deserves serious and substantive consideration.” The caveat, unmistakably, is that substance, not just signals, will decide how far that interest travels.

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