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Editorial: Anthony Joshua’s Lagos Crash Is An Urgent Call for Stronger Emergency Response Systems Across Africa

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The harrowing car accident involving British boxing champion Anthony Joshua on Nigeria’s Lagos–Ibadan Expressway was deeply painful, not just for the loss of life, but for what the incident reveals about public safety and emergency response capabilities that affect ordinary citizens every day.

On December 29, 2025, Joshua was involved in a serious road collision near Makun, Ogun State, when the SUV he was traveling in struck a stationary truck. Two of his close associates — strength and conditioning coach Sina Ghami and trainer Latif “Latz” Ayodele — were killed. Joshua himself escaped with minor injuries and was discharged from a Lagos hospital on January 1, 2026.

While the boxer’s survival and medical clearance are encouraging, the footage and accounts circulating online from the scene have drawn fierce criticism for the apparent absence of organized emergency medical care.

Videos showed onlookers gathered at the crash site, the bodies of the deceased left on the road, and Joshua was eventually transported in a police vehicle rather than by prompt ambulance care.

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Anthony Joshua escapes fatal road accident British heavyweight boxing star Anthony Joshua has narrowly escaped death following a serious car crash in Nigeria that reportedly claimed the lives of two people. anthonyjoshua accident Nigeria

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Africa faces some of the highest road fatality rates in the world. Even before this accident, Nigeria alone recorded more than 5,400 road deaths in 2024 — an increase from the previous year. Yet the public response — or lack thereof — to a high-profile incident involving a globally recognized figure exposes broader systemic gaps in emergency preparedness and public health infrastructure.

There is no argument that quick and well-equipped emergency medical services (EMS) can be the difference between life and death in such crashes. Some analysts argue that, had professional emergency response teams arrived immediately and been fully equipped, there is a possibility the two victims could have survived initial trauma. This fact was the reason there was so much outrage in Nigeria and across the world following the fatal accident.

But the truth is, this incident of poor EMS isn’t unique to Nigeria. Across many African countries, EMS systems are chronically underfunded or unevenly distributed. Ambulance services, rapid trauma response teams, and integrated communication networks that automatically dispatch aid after accidents are often lacking, especially outside major urban centers. In contrast, many countries in Europe and North America have well-coordinated EMS protocols that routinely see ambulances and emergency personnel at accident scenes within minutes.

For diasporans — Africans living abroad who maintain deep cultural and emotional ties to their countries of origin — this episode should prompt honest reflection. It’s understandable to yearn for connection with the “motherland,” especially during festive seasons or career hiatuses. Africa’s vibrant cultures, rich history, and growing economies make it a powerful source of identity and opportunity. But that connection should be balanced with a clear-eyed understanding of local realities, especially regarding public services and safety infrastructures that directly affect health outcomes.

The reality is that emergency medical services are foundational to modern societies. They not only save lives but also foster public confidence in government competency and social stability. Effective EMS requires investment in training, equipment, emergency telecommunications, and public health policy — areas where many African governments have struggled to keep pace with rapid population growth and urbanization.

There are signs of progress. Some African countries are investing in EMS reform, public–private partnerships for trauma care, and community health worker initiatives that extend limited resources into broader networks of care. But the urgent need for systemic reforms remains. Ghana has a well-structured EMS regime; however, the lack of adequate equipment and personnel remains a stumbling block to world-standard functionality.

Diasporans and global partners who seek to engage with the continent — whether for investment, tourism, or family — should view this tragic incident as a call to advocate for stronger public health systems. Supporting initiatives that build robust emergency response frameworks isn’t just philanthropy; it is an investment in human capital and shared future prosperity.

While devastating, may Anthony Joshua’s crash wake up the continent invest in a global-standard emergency care service, one that is at par with the U.S. and Europe – the very places the African diasporans we are calling back home have lived all their lives.

Editorial

ECOWAS’ Historic Regional Emergency Is a Wake-Up Call for West Africa’s Democracy

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Image Credit: U.S. Army Southern European Task Force, Africa via Flickr

This week, in the bustling corridors of Abuja’s ECOWAS headquarters, where diplomats from 15 nations once dreamed of a united West Africa, the air grew heavy.

For the first time in its 50-year existence, the Economic Community of West African States has invoked a regional state of emergency—a stark admission that the bloc’s foundation is cracking under the weight of relentless coups, simmering insurgencies, and a fracturing alliance.

The declaration, announced Tuesday, December 9, 2025, by ECOWAS Commission President Omar Alieu Touray during the 55th session of the Mediation and Security Council, follows a cascade of crises that have uprooted millions and tested the limits of regional solidarity. Since 2020, at least eight successful coups or attempts have rattled the subregion, from Mali’s 2020 takeover to the full military seizure in Guinea-Bissau last month, where officers suspended elections just days after a presidential vote. The latest flashpoint: a failed mutiny in Benin on December 6, where soldiers briefly seized state media before Nigerian forces, at the Beninese government’s request, helped restore order. Add to that the breakaway Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—formed by the juntas of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger—and over 7.6 million people displaced by jihadist violence and banditry, and the picture is one of a region on the brink.

Touray didn’t mince words: “Our community is in a state of emergency because of bad governance, exclusion and unconstitutional changes of government.”

It’s a diagnosis that echoes the frustrations of ordinary citizens—from market traders in Bamako navigating hyperinflation to farmers in northern Ghana eyeing cross-border threats with unease.

What does this mean on the ground? The emergency unlocks ECOWAS’s Standby Force, with troops from Nigeria, Ghana, and Senegal already mobilizing toward Benin’s border. Nigeria’s Senate swiftly approved the deployment, signaling Abuja’s readiness to lead. Expect ramped-up sanctions on junta leaders—freezing assets, travel bans—and targeted incentives like debt relief for nations recommitting to elections. Humanitarian corridors will expand, bolstering food reserves amid supply chain snarls, while diplomatic overtures aim to lure AES members back to the fold ahead of pivotal polls in Guinea, Gambia, Benin, and Cape Verde.

Importantly, this isn’t martial law descending on Accra or Lagos streets—no curfews, no blanket interventions. It’s an “alarm bell,” as Touray put it, activating a toolkit of military, economic, and diplomatic levers to halt the slide. The next Heads of State summit will gauge just how aggressively the bloc wields them.

For families like the Amaras in Ouagadougou, where Burkina Faso’s junta has promised security but delivered more displacement, or the young voters in Bissau dreaming of ballots over bullets, this feels like a long-overdue stand.

Yet the stakes are existential: unchecked instability doesn’t just redraw borders; it scatters communities, spikes food prices, and invites foreign meddlers eager to exploit the chaos. ECOWAS’s zero-tolerance era, born from the Lomé Declaration two decades ago, now faces its sternest test. If the bloc fractures further, the dream of a prosperous, integrated West Africa—free from the shadows of its post-colonial past—could slip away for good.

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Editorial

Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire Must Act or Watch the Cocoa Industry Fade: An Editorial

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A recent warning from the European Union to two of Africa’s cocoa producing giants, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, is clear: adapt the cocoa sector now — or risk losing access to the world’s largest chocolate market.

The recent push from EU and French development partners comes after five years of research under the Cocoa4Future initiative, which uncovered uncomfortable truths: current cocoa farming practices in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire are undermining both the land and the long-term security of the industry. The urgency is not a threat, it is a wake-up call.

Ghana cocoa. Image by Karim Bawa via Flickr

Cocoa’s Global Weight — And Its Environmental Cost

Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire together account for roughly two-thirds of the world’s cocoa supply.
That dominance gives them enormous influence. But it also carries massive responsibility.

Deforestation linked to cocoa cultivation has already devastated vast tracts of primary rainforest. Studies highlight cocoa as a key driver behind up to 37% of forest loss in protected areas in Côte d’Ivoire and more than 13% in Ghana.

Between 2001 and 2015, cocoa-related deforestation alone contributed to nearly one-third of Ghana’s and a quarter of Côte d’Ivoire’s forest losses.

As global demand for chocolate rises, so do the numbers: more clearing, older soils, stressed ecosystems. Add to that the emerging threats of climate change — droughts, unpredictable weather — and the result becomes stark: the industry feeding the world now undermines its own future.

The EU Isn’t Punishing — It’s Protecting Its Market

Starting in late 2025, the new EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) will require companies importing cocoa (and other commodities) into EU markets to prove their supply chains are “deforestation-free, legally sourced, and fully traceable.”

In effect, this law is not about punishing West African producers — it is about protecting European businesses and consumers who demand deforestation-free chocolate and ethically sourced goods. As such, the pressure is real and the deadline inescapable.

Even before EUDR formally activates, major buyers have begun to shift their sourcing practices. Some smaller farms and exporters already fear exclusion.

Reforms Are Possible — But They Must Be Structural

The good news: reform is not a fantasy. The research presented at the Cocoa4Future workshop offers a roadmap grounded in reality. Key recommendations include:

  • Agroforestry adoption: shifting away from low- or no-shade monocultures to shade-tree systems that preserve soil, biodiversity, and long-term yield stability.
  • Disease management: scaling up production of disease-resistant seedlings (especially to fight Cocoa Swollen Shoot Disease) and strengthening early-detection training.
  • Strengthening farmer support: improved access to affordable credit, agricultural inputs, diversified buyer networks, and stronger cooperatives to give farmers better bargaining power.
  • Clear land and tree-tenure laws: so farmers who plant shade trees or rehabilitate land can benefit long-term — rather than facing loss of rights.
  • Traceability and certification: invest in national traceability systems and support smallholders to meet sustainability standards required under EU-linked supply chains.

These are not cosmetic fixes. They require political will, public investment, and cooperation between governments, farmers, industry players, and international development partners.

Ghana cocoa farmer. Trade for Development, via Flickr

The True Cost of Inaction

Failing to act is not merely an environmental failure — it is an economic risk. The world is watching. European buyers, global consumers, regulators — all are moving toward sustainability and transparency.

If Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire lag, they risk losing more than market share. They could lose credibility, investment, and the social license that their generations of smallholder farmers depend on. Governments may be forced to react under crisis conditions — leading to even harsher consequences for rural livelihoods.

Moreover, continuing unsustainable cocoa farming accelerates forest loss, exacerbates climate change, depletes soil fertility, and threatens biodiversity. That damage is often irreversible. Once forest is gone, it rarely returns — and with it goes ecosystem services: clean water, stable climate, resilient soils.

For the Global Community: This Isn’t Just Cocoa. It’s Climate Justice and Supply-Chain Integrity

For consumers in New York, London, Paris, or Tokyo — this matters. Every chocolate bar, cocoa drink, or dessert sold in the global supply chain carries a footprint. As the world confronts climate change, biodiversity loss, and supply-chain ethics, cocoa stands at a crossroads.

Supporting sustainable and ethical cocoa is more than a consumer choice. It is a statement: that the love of chocolate does not come at the price of destroyed forests, exploited labor, or environmental collapse.

For the governments of Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, the choice is clear: act with urgency now — or become casualties of a shifting global standard they once defined. The fate of the industry, the environment, and millions of farming families hangs in the balance.

They have the data. They have the roadmap. Now they need the courage to act.

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