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Ghana’s Tribunals Bill, 2026: A Comprehensive Explainer

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On July 16, 2026, Ghana’s Parliament passed the Tribunals Bill, 2026, a landmark piece of legislation that seeks to reintroduce public tribunals into the country’s judicial system.

The bill, laid before Parliament on June 26, 2026, by the Minister for Lands and Natural Resources on behalf of Attorney-General and Minister for Justice Dr. Dominic Ayine, has sparked one of the most heated political and civic debates in recent Ghanaian history.

The legislation now awaits presidential assent from President John Dramani Mahama, who faces mounting pressure from both supporters and opponents of the bill.

What Is the Tribunals Bill?

The Tribunals Bill, 2026, is designed to establish a comprehensive legal framework for the operation of public tribunals in Ghana, in accordance with Articles 126 and 142 of the 1992 Constitution.

While the Constitution explicitly provides for the creation of Regional Tribunals as part of the judiciary, these tribunals have remained largely defunct or underutilized for decades. The bill seeks to activate these dormant constitutional provisions and create a functional two‑tier tribunal system.

Structure and Jurisdiction

The bill proposes a two‑tier tribunal structure:

TierJurisdictionComposition
Regional TribunalsConcurrent jurisdiction with the High Court over selected criminal matters, including economic crimes, narcotics offenses, tax-related offenses, illegal mining (galamsey), corruption, and cases involving financial loss to the stateChairperson (legally qualified) + two lay panel members
District TribunalsShare criminal jurisdiction with Circuit Courts for specified matters, excluding treason, capital offenses, and cases triable on indictmentChairperson (legally qualified) + two lay panel members

Key Features

  • Lay panel participation: Each tribunal will be chaired by a legally qualified person but will sit alongside two ordinary citizens as panel members—a model intended to increase citizen participation and demystify the legal process.
  • Tribunal Oversight Committee: The bill establishes a committee to supervise the administration and performance of tribunals.
  • Appellate review: Decisions of tribunals will be subject to appeal, ensuring fairness and adherence to due process.
  • Integration into the Judicial Service: Unlike the PNDC-era tribunals, the 2026 model operates under the strict oversight of the Chief Justice, with defendants retaining full constitutional rights to legal representation and fair trial procedures.

The Case for the Bill: Government’s Position

1. Addressing Court Backlogs

The Attorney-General has argued that the tribunals are urgently needed to address the growing backlog of cases in Ghana’s regular courts. Traditional courts accumulate approximately 3,360 new backlog cases annually, placing an unsustainable burden on the existing judicial infrastructure.

Dr. Ayine has explained that the legislation seeks to reduce delays in the hearing and determination of cases while ensuring stronger constitutional safeguards for tribunal operations.

2. Specialized Jurisdiction for Priority Crimes

The tribunals are specifically designed to provide faster adjudication for high-priority cases that demand expedited resolution, including:

  • Illegal mining (galamsey) and environmental degradation
  • Economic crimes and high-profile fraud
  • Tax evasion and customs violations
  • Corruption and cases involving financial loss to the state

3. Constitutional Activation

Proponents argue that the bill simply operationalizes what the 1992 Constitution already provides for. Article 126(1) of the Constitution states that the judiciary shall consist of the Superior Courts of Judicature—comprising the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal, the High Court, and Regional Tribunals—alongside such lower courts or tribunals as Parliament may establish.

4. Decongestion and Decentralization

The bill is also intended to improve access to justice at the local level, bringing adjudication closer to citizens in districts and regions across the country.

The Case Against the Bill: Criticism and Opposition

1. Minority in Parliament: “A Parallel Justice System”

The Minority Caucus, led by Alexander Kwamena Afenyo‑Markin, has been the most vocal opponent of the bill. Their primary contention is that the bill creates a parallel justice system not recognized under the 1992 Constitution.

Afenyo‑Markin argued during parliamentary debate: “We have a judicial system—district court, circuit court, high court, court of appeal, and the Supreme Court. If there are issues with the system, the way to go is to reform and to resource, equip, and retool. It is not to create a parallel system with coordinate jurisdiction.”

The Minority also raised concerns about jurisdictional confusion, questioning whether the proposed tribunals would handle civil or criminal matters and how they would fit into Ghana’s existing judicial hierarchy.

2. Concerns Over Composition: Non‑Lawyers Judging Criminal Matters

One of the most contentious provisions is Clause 4, which establishes that each tribunal will consist of a legally qualified chairperson and two non‑lawyer lay members.

The Minority argued that a body with only one legally trained member should not be responsible for determining criminal matters, warning that the arrangement could result in people being “pronounced guilty before their cases are properly determined.”

3. Historical Ghosts: The PNDC Era

The mention of “public tribunals” evokes painful memories of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) era in the 1980s.

Public tribunals were instituted under PNDC Law 24 in 1982 and functioned alongside the regular courts, addressing cases related to economic crimes, corruption, and offenses against the state. However, critics at the time argued that they lacked judicial independence and that “rather than prosecuting, they were persecuting.”

The Minority referenced this history, alleging that tribunals during the PNDC era were used to target individuals and confiscate their assets.

4. Trades Union Congress (TUC) Opposition

Organized Labour, through the Trades Union Congress (TUC) led by Secretary‑General Joshua Ansah, explicitly called on the government to withdraw the proposed law.

The TUC argued that tribunals—historically associated with parallel legal systems—are obsolete and could undermine public trust and confidence in the formal administration of justice. Labor leaders maintained that regional tribunals should be permanently removed via constitutional amendment rather than revived.

5. Bawumia’s Appeal: “Don’t Sign”

The NPP’s 2028 presidential candidate, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, has made a direct public appeal to President Mahama to withhold assent to the bill.

Addressing the nation on July 19, 2026, Bawumia argued that reforms affecting Ghana’s justice system should be built on broad public consensus rather than a parliamentary majority.

“Mr President, do not assent to this bill. Pause and let the nation ponder and deliberate on this very important matter,” Bawumia urged.

He warned that in its current form, the bill could become a “potent tool for weaponising justice delivery” —a phrase echoed by the TUC.

Bawumia also noted that the Constitution Review Committee established by the President had recommended removing regional tribunals from the constitution because the High Court had long carried their caseloads.

The Parliamentary Battle: How the Bill Was Passed

The passage of the bill was marked by dramatic scenes in Parliament:

  1. June 26, 2026: The bill was laid before Parliament.
  2. Committee Review: The bill underwent detailed examination by the Constitutional and Legal Affairs Committee and the Judiciary Committee.
  3. Clause 4 Debate: The Minority sought to delete Clause 4 (establishing the tribunals).
  4. Voice Vote: First Deputy Speaker Bernard Ahiafor put the proposal to a voice vote, which was rejected.
  5. Headcount: The Minority demanded a headcount. The result: 135 votes against deleting Clause 4, 16 votes in favor—a decisive defeat for the opposition.
  6. Minority Walkout: Following the vote, the Minority Caucus walked out of the chamber, declaring they would not participate in the remaining stages.
  7. Waiver of Standing Orders: The mandatory one‑day interval between the consideration stage and third reading was waived, allowing the bill to be passed on the same day.
  8. July 16, 2026: The bill passed its third reading.

Minority Leader Afenyo‑Markin explained the walkout: “Once the Majority Leader makes a strong pronouncement that whatever the case, they will not listen, they will use their numbers to pass the Bill, then there was no point again.”

He further stated that the NPP would reverse the tribunal system if elected in 2028.

What Happens Next?

The bill has been transmitted to President John Dramani Mahama for assent.

  • If the President signs the bill, it becomes law, and the process of establishing Regional and District Tribunals will begin.
  • If the President withholds assent—as urged by Bawumia, the TUC, and the Minority—the bill would stall, though Parliament could potentially override a veto.
  • The Minority has also indicated it will challenge the bill in court if it is assented to, arguing that it is unconstitutional.

A Defining Moment for Ghanaian Justice

The Tribunals Bill, 2026, represents a defining moment for Ghana’s judicial and democratic trajectory. Supporters see it as a necessary reform to decongest the courts, expedite justice for serious crimes, and activate dormant constitutional provisions. Opponents view it as a dangerous retreat to the dark days of the PNDC era, warning of a parallel justice system that could undermine due process, fair trial guarantees, and public trust in the judiciary.

As President Mahama weighs his decision, the nation watches closely. The outcome will not only shape Ghana’s justice system for decades to come but will also test the strength of the country’s democratic institutions and the principle of constitutional checks and balances.

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Funding Fears Loom For Ghana’s Life-Saving Malaria Vaccine Five Years After Roll Out

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Under the shade of a giant tree in Adaklu, in Ghana’s Volta Region, mothers balance their children on their hips as they wait their turn to be vaccinated.

Among them is 27-year-old Adeline Ahitroga, a mother of four, carrying her seven-month-old twins, a boy strapped to her back and a girl held close to her chest, for their second dose of the malaria vaccine.

“I’m really glad I can protect my twins,” she said. “When my older children had malaria as babies, they would develop a fever and become weak. I was always afraid they could die. As a mother, you just wish you could take the sickness away from them.”

Five years after Ghana became one of the first countries to pilot the malaria vaccine, the program is saving children’s lives, but experts warn that sustaining those gains will depend on reliable financing and continued support for complementary malaria control measures.

A Decades-Long Search for a Vaccine

Malaria, spread through infected mosquitoes, can cause high fever, weakness, and life-threatening complications, particularly in young children. In 2024, malaria killed about 610,000 people worldwide, with Africa accounting for 95% of those deaths—children under five among the hardest hit.

For decades, a vaccine remained elusive, in part because the parasite that causes the disease is complex. That changed in 2021, when the World Health Organization (WHO) recommended wider use of the RTS,S vaccine—the result of more than three decades of scientific research, developed by GlaxoSmithKline and its partners. It targets Plasmodium falciparum, the parasite responsible for the deadliest form of malaria.

At the time, WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus celebrated the milestone: “This long-awaited malaria vaccine is a breakthrough for science, child health, and malaria control.”

Ghana’s Pilot Program Shows Results

Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi were the first countries to pilot the vaccine. In Ghana, it is scheduled at 6, 7, 9, and 18 months of age—meaning health workers must persuade caregivers to return again and again.

In Adaklu, the district health directorate reports that nearly 70% of eligible children have completed all four doses. It also reports that annual malaria cases among children under five have fallen from about 6,000 to 2,000, with no deaths since the vaccine was introduced alongside existing malaria control measures.

Dopea Kulafa, 32, has completed all four doses for her two youngest children, aged four years and 23 months.

“My two children have been doing well since they took the vaccine,” she said. “At first, I was worried about the side effects. But after about three days, they were fine. I gave them paracetamol syrup and they recovered. From my experience, the vaccine is helping my children. And I’d encourage other mothers to get their babies vaccinated.”

Overcoming Hesitancy

Yet health workers face challenges. Emilia Tanyeva, a health worker involved in community outreach in Adaklu, says the task of persuading caregivers to return for multiple doses is becoming more difficult due to suspicions in some areas.

“Some caregivers believe that it’s a way of reducing their population,” she said. “They want to kill their children or wipe out the children that they are giving birth to.”

Others worry the malaria vaccine adds too many injections to their children’s routine immunizations.

The Importance of Completing the Schedule

Inside the Vaccine Research Laboratory at the Noguchi Memorial Institute for Medical Research in Accra, immunology professor Kwejo Asamuakusi explained why completing all four doses is critical.

“If you just do one or two, it will protect you for a few weeks to a few months, and then it’s gone,” he said. “And if at that point you feel like you are vaccinated against malaria, your child in a year’s time could easily succumb to malaria. But doing all the four extends how long that protection lasts for them. So it’s very important that we finish all of it.”

Landmark Study Finds 13% Reduction in Deaths

Since WHO recommended wider use in 2021, researchers have continued to assess the vaccine’s impact. A 2026 study published in The Lancet found that vaccinated children across Ghana, Kenya, and Malawi had a 13% lower risk of death from all causes.

“Basically, in these communities, the malaria vaccine prevented approximately one in eight deaths of children that were non-accidental, non-injury related,” said Dr. William Moss, a professor of epidemiology and deputy director of the Johns Hopkins Malaria Research Institute.

Moss said the findings are significant because the reduction in deaths was observed even though many children had not completed the full vaccine schedule. But he warned that sustaining those gains will require the vaccine to complement—not replace—existing malaria control measures.

“If funding for bed nets and surveillance, testing and treatment all decline, we’re going to see more people, unfortunately and tragically, infected with the parasite, developing disease, and even in the face of the vaccines, we’re going to see a larger disease burden,” he said.

Funding Concerns

That warning comes as global health financing faces growing pressure. Disruptions to U.S. foreign assistance, including the dismantling of USAID, have created a $78.2 million health financing gap for Ghana, affecting several interventions, including malaria programs.

Ghana is co-financing its immunization program with Gavi, the Global Vaccine Alliance. Ghana’s obligation is expected to reach $54 million next year and $60 million by 2030. Health Minister Kwabna Minta Akando says the government will find the money to fully finance the program when Gavi leaves in 2030.

But Gladys Damalin, Programmes Manager at Hope for Future Generations, a civil society organization advocating better health policies, says the government must be clearer about where the money will come from.

“What used to be like a death sentence for our children under five, now most of them, because of the malaria vaccines, they are surviving, which is great news for us,” she said. “The question is sustaining and ensuring that every district is covered. That is it.”

She wants a dedicated immunization budget so allocations and disbursements can be tracked more easily.

What’s Next

Back in Adaklu, mothers continue to bring their children for malaria vaccination, holding on to the promise of greater protection.

But experts say whether that promise translates into lasting progress will depend on Ghana’s ability to finance the program and sustain the wider measures that keep malaria in check.

Editor’s Note: Information for this story was culled from reporting by Ridwan Karim Dini-Osman for The World

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Major Sexual Abuse Scandal Rocks Ghana High School: Obuasi School Headmaster Sues Journalist for GH¢2 Million as Investigation Into Alleged Misconduct Widens

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A sexual abuse scandal at a secondary school in Ghana’s Ashanti Region has escalated into a legal battle, with the interdicted headmaster filing a multi-million-Ghana cedi defamation suit against the investigative journalist who exposed the allegations, even as a prominent civil society organization demands swift, independent probes and stronger protections for survivors.

The Allegations

The case centers on Obuasi Senior High Technical School (SHTS) and its headmaster, Zakaria Abdulai, who has been accused of sexual misconduct and abuse by multiple female students.

The allegations were brought to national attention through an investigative documentary by journalist Manasseh Azure Awuni, published by the Multimedia Group. The exposé, titled Inside the Dreaded Headmaster’s Bungalow, detailed claims that the headmaster engaged in sexual misconduct involving students at the school.

Abdulai has denied all allegations against him.

Official Response and Interdiction

Following the documentary’s broadcast and the ensuing public outcry, Ghana’s Ministry of Education and the Ghana Education Service (GES) intervened. The headmaster was interdicted on October 14, 2026 pending a full investigation, a move that removes him from his post while authorities examine the claims.

The Minister for Education referred the criminal aspects of the matter to the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) and directed the headmaster’s suspension. The Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU) in Bekwai has forwarded a docket on one complaint to the Attorney-General’s Department for legal advice. The school was temporarily closed following unrest among students.

Investigation Hurdles

Educational authorities and parliamentary stakeholders have faced mounting pressure to ensure a swift and transparent probe.

However, committees established to investigate the matter have encountered obstacles, including low student turnout attributed to parental hesitation and concerns about alleged external interference.

Defamation Lawsuit

In a dramatic legal twist, the interdicted headmaster has filed a GH¢2 million defamation lawsuit against Manasseh Azure Awuni and the Multimedia Group. Abdulai claims the reports severely damaged his reputation, his marriage, and his professional standing.

The lawsuit raises complex questions about press freedom, the rights of the accused to due process, and the ability of survivors and journalists to report abuse without fear of legal retaliation.

CSJ Demands Accountability

The Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) , a prominent Ghanaian social justice organization, issued a strongly worded press statement on October 23, 2026, expressing deep concern over the allegations and outlining a series of demands.

While acknowledging that the allegations “have not been proven in court” and that the headmaster “is entitled to the presumption of innocence and to a fair process,” CSJ warned that “the presumption of innocence must never become a reason for delay, or for silencing those who have come forward.”

The organization highlighted particularly troubling reports that complaints were raised with school management as early as February 2026, with the Municipal Education Directorate in March, and further incidents allegedly reported in June and July. According to CSJ, if accurate, these reports “point to a failure of safeguarding systems, and not only to the alleged conduct of one individual.”

Key Demands from CSJ

  1. Independent and time-bound investigations — The Police and Attorney-General’s Department should conclude the criminal process without delay, and the administrative inquiry should be led independently of officials whose handling of complaints may come under scrutiny, with findings made public.
  2. Accountability for institutional failure — Any official found to have ignored, suppressed, or mishandled complaints, or discouraged students from reporting, should face disciplinary action with due process.
  3. Protection and support for survivors and witnesses — Affected students should receive confidential medical, psychosocial, legal, and educational support, and protection from intimidation, retaliation, and victim-blaming. CSJ stressed that “no student should lose her education because she spoke out,” and that the Children’s Act, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child must be fully upheld where affected students are under 18.
  4. A safe reopening — Before Obuasi SHTS reopens, GES should ensure independent safeguarding arrangements, counselling for students, and clear, confidential channels for reporting abuse.
  5. System-wide reform — The Ministry of Education should commission an independent national audit of sexual misconduct and safeguarding systems in secondary schools, enforce the GES Code of Conduct, introduce mandatory reporting with confidential channels, and publish regular public reports on cases and outcomes.

CSJ also called on the media and public to protect survivors’ identities and follow the principle of “do no harm” while keeping everyone accountable, stressing that “no office, position, or political affiliation should shield anyone from accountability.”

Broader Implications

The Obuasi SHTS case has ignited intense national discussions about student safety, institutional accountability, and the handling of abuse reports in Ghanaian second-cycle institutions. It raises pressing questions about whether schools have adequate safeguarding mechanisms, whether complaints are taken seriously when first raised, and whether survivors can come forward without fear of stigma or retaliation.

The case also highlights tensions between the rights of the accused to due process and the need to protect vulnerable students, a balancing act that CSJ addressed directly in its statement.

What’s Next

The criminal investigation and administrative inquiry are ongoing. The defamation lawsuit against Manasseh Azure Awuni and the Multimedia Group is expected to proceed, with potential implications for investigative journalism in Ghana.

Meanwhile, CSJ has expressed readiness to work with the Ministry of Education, GES, DOVVSU, the Department of Social Welfare, and fellow civil society organizations “to ensure that justice is done for the students of Obuasi SHTS and that no school in Ghana becomes a place of fear for its students.”

As the nation watches, the outcome of this case may set a precedent for how Ghana handles sexual abuse allegations in educational institutions, and whether accountability extends beyond individuals to the systems meant to protect students.

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Moscow Backs Ghana’s BRICS Ambition, With a Caveat: ‘Substance, Not Just Signals’

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Russia has thrown its weight behind Ghana’s quest to join BRICS, but Moscow’s endorsement comes with a pointed caveat: enthusiasm alone will not secure a seat at the table.

In written responses to questions on Ghana’s BRICS ambition, Russian Ambassador to Ghana Andrei Ordash said Moscow “welcomes Ghana’s growing interest” in the grouping and regards it as evidence of Accra’s readiness to deepen cooperation with states playing an increasingly prominent role in the global economy and international politics.

But the Ambassador was equally clear that political signalling must be matched by economic delivery.

“It is important that such work is underpinned by concrete measures, the development of trade, investment, industrial cooperation, scientific and technical ties, and other areas that serve the long-term interests of the Ghanaian people,” Ordash said.

The formulation amounts to a diplomatic reality check for Accra: Russia’s backing is supportive, but not unconditional, and not sufficient on its own.

Consensus, Not a Single Backer

Ordash stressed that decisions on BRICS expansion are taken “by all BRICS members by consensus and in accordance with established procedures,” a reminder that Moscow’s goodwill cannot single-handedly deliver membership for Ghana.

Russia, he said, is ready to “engage in constructive dialogue with its Ghanaian partners on matters relating to cooperation with BRICS, to share its experience and to facilitate the development of ties with this organization.”

The Ambassador framed BRICS as an association built on “sovereign equality, mutual respect, consideration of national interests and consensus,” insisting it is “not directed against any countries” and does not require members to cease cooperation with other international partners.

The Economic Case and Its Limits

Ordash laid out the scale of the bloc: BRICS member states account for 47 per cent of the world’s population, over 30 per cent of global agricultural land, 40 per cent of global GDP at purchasing power parity and 23 per cent of total global trade.

But he was candid about what BRICS is not.

“It is also important to understand that BRICS is not a single trade market with a common customs territory, nor does it have a universal financial fund that automatically provides funds to all participants,” he said. “Tangible economic results will depend on the substance of the agreements concluded, the competitiveness of enterprises, the quality of investment projects and the willingness of the partners themselves to participate in their implementation.”

Russia, he added, sees opportunities to expand collaboration with Ghana in energy, industry, agriculture, education, science and technology, including joint projects involving partners from other BRICS countries.

No ‘Either-Or’ With the West

Addressing concerns that closer alignment with BRICS could complicate Ghana’s relations with Western partners, Ordash said a potential partnership “should not be viewed as a choice between one set of partners and another.”

“Ghana is entitled to determine for itself how to balance its cooperation with BRICS states, Western countries, African partners and international financial institutions,” he said, adding that Russia does not make cooperation with Moscow “contingent upon such decisions.”

He conceded that expanding partnerships “does not rule out commercial and financial risks,” but argued these should be assessed on specific circumstances rather than on “the mere fact of participation in the group.”

The Takeaway

For Accra, the message from Moscow is supportive but sober: Russia will champion Ghana’s BRICS interest and share its experience, but the onus is on Ghana to build the trade, investment and industrial case an,d to win over every BRICS member, not just the Kremlin.

As Ordash put it, Ghana’s interest “deserves serious and substantive consideration.” The caveat, unmistakably, is that substance, not just signals, will decide how far that interest travels.

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