Did the Africa Forward Summit in Nairobi mark the end of Europe’s paternalism toward Africa? With €23 billion in new commitments, joint chairing on African soil, and business at the centre of talks, analyst Joseph McCarthy argues the old script may finally be changing—but warns that partnership without concrete industrialization remains just rhetoric.

Read the full analysis below.

Africa Forward: Is Europe Finally Learning to Treat Africa as an Equal Partner?

By Joseph McCarthy

For decades, Africa’s summits with external powers have followed a familiar script. African leaders fly to Paris, Brussels, Washington, Beijing, Moscow or New Delhi; their hosts roll out the red carpet, deliver speeches about partnership, announce ambitious initiatives and pose for the customary family photograph. Communiqués are issued, declarations adopted, and everyone returns home—yet little changes. Investment gaps stay wide, trade stays lopsided, industrialisation crawls, and Africa keeps exporting raw materials while importing finished goods.

That is why the Africa Forward Summit, held in Nairobi on 11 and 12 May 2026, deserves attention; not because Africa needs another summit, but because it signals a possible shift in how Europe, and France in particular, sees the relationship. The symbolism was hard to miss. For the first time, a summit between Africa and France was jointly chaired on African soil with an anglophone African state. President William Ruto of Kenya and President Emmanuel Macron of France stood not as host and guest, but as partners on the same platform. Africa was not summoned to Europe; Europe was invited to Africa. Yet symbolism is not changed. Nairobi will matter only if equality and genuine reciprocity outlast the communiqué.

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The more telling shift was in the cast. Summits between Africa and Europe have long belonged to presidents, diplomats and development agencies, with the private sector seated politely at the back. This time, business sat at the centre. The Inspire and Connect forum gathered heads of state alongside scores of African and French company chiefs to discuss industrialisation, value chains, energy and human capital. The message was blunt: the future should rest less on aid and charity between states, and more on investment, entrepreneurship and industrial partnership. African governments no longer seek the role of recipients; they want capital, technology, expertise and market access. Where old summits asked what Europe could do for Africa, this one asked a sharper question: what can African and European firms build together?
There were numbers to match the rhetoric: roughly €23 billion, about $27 billion, in fresh commitments, comprising some €14 billion from French public and private actors and €9 billion from African investors, aimed at energy, digital technology, artificial intelligence, agriculture, health and industry. More striking than the figures was the emphasis. French and European firms voiced interest in investing and producing alongside African companies inside Africa, rather than merely selling into its markets. The most concrete example came from Nigeria, where Accor and the African energy and infrastructure group Shoreline signed a letter of intent for the country’s first national hotel platform: a $300 million project of ten hotels across eight cities, more than 1,200 rooms by 2030, with a training academy to build local skills.

If such partnerships multiply across manufacturing, agriculture, energy, health and digital technology, Africa could enter a new phase of competition. Unlike the scramble of the nineteenth century, driven by extraction and conquest, this one would turn on investment, production, and market opportunities, with Europe, China, the Gulf, India, and Türkiye all competing for a seat at the table. African governments may be better placed than ever to play these suitors against one another in their own interest. The question is no longer who claims to be Africa’s best friend, but who will invest, produce, transfer technology and create jobs.

Here lies the lesson Africa keeps relearning: a good partner is not the one you like most, but the one who brings you the most advantage. France’s history on the continent is singular, not because of a colonisation now decades past, but because the relationship that followed it never truly ended. Several capitals took the easy road, leaning on Paris for their security and quietly surrendering a slice of their sovereignty, while Paris was content to play suzerain. In 2013, Mali hailed France as its saviour when French troops drove back the jihadists closing on Bamako; a few years later, its junta cast that same France as worse than the seven plagues of Egypt. Such incestuous, melodramatic attachments had to end. External powers are neither saviours nor devils; they are partners pursuing their interests, as African states pursue theirs.

That is why Africa can no longer tolerate the old arrangements: military protectorates dressed up as protection; the abuses of foreign mercenaries in its conflict zones; or the economic colonisation that surrenders strategic assets, ports, airports, and railways to whichever state writes the cheque. The withdrawals from Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger were not merely a rejection of France; they marked the exhaustion of a framework inherited from colonial times that no longer fits African aspirations. If Nairobi means anything, it is that Paris may finally grasp that the age of the suzerain is over. France matters here for one further reason: it is a gateway to the wider European market. Should its approach shift from paternalism to brokering business between African and European firms, that would be welcome news for both continents.

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Africa’s most urgent task is economic transformation. With millions of young people entering the labour market each year, the world needs productive capital, industry, technology transfer, and jobs; aid alone has never delivered these. What it seeks now is straightforward: investment without domination, cooperation without dependency, partnership without paternalism. Like Saint Thomas, Africans will believe what they eventually see rather than what they are promised. The elegance of its communiqué will not judge the summit, but by visible progress: in artificial intelligence, where Africa must become a creator and not merely a consumer; in infrastructure, the roads, railways, ports, power and connectivity that carry an economy; in food systems, through higher local output and lighter dependence on imports; and in industry, the move beyond raw exports toward manufacturing and value addition.

History will not remember what was promised in Nairobi. It will remember what was built, what was transformed, and what was delivered. Until then, Africa will watch carefully.

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Joseph McCarthy is an analyst and researcher specialising in governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, development, and African diplomacy. Email: joecarthy30@gmail.com

Article by Nana Afua Adutwumwaa Adjetey, Program Manager, Ghana Clubfoot Program (CHAG–Hope Walks Ghana)

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As Ghana joins the global community to commemorate World Clubfoot Day on June 3, there is an important story that deserves national attention.

It is the story of thousands of Ghanaian children who have been given the opportunity to walk, run, play, attend school, and pursue their dreams because they received treatment for clubfoot.
It is also the story of many other children who continue to miss that opportunity because of delayed diagnosis, stigma, misinformation, and lack of awareness.

Clubfoot is one of the most common congenital disabilities affecting children worldwide. It is a condition present at birth in which one or both feet are twisted inward and downward. If left untreated, a child may face lifelong challenges with walking, education, employment, and social inclusion.

Yet clubfoot is also one of the most treatable childhood disabilities.
When identified early and treated correctly, children born with clubfoot can live healthy, active, and productive lives.

A Hidden Challenge Affecting Hundreds of Ghanaian Families

In Ghana, an estimated 1,000 babies are born with clubfoot every year.

Many of these children are born into families who have never heard of the condition. Others are born in communities where myths, misconceptions, and stigma still surround childhood disabilities.

Some parents are told their child will eventually “grow out of it.”
Others are encouraged to seek traditional remedies before medical care.
In some cases, families hide affected children for fear of judgment and discrimination.

Unfortunately, these delays come at a cost.
Clubfoot treatment is most effective when started soon after birth. Every week and month of delay can make treatment more difficult and increase the risk of long-term disability.

The Cases We Meet Every Day
Across our clubfoot clinics in Ghana, we meet families whose stories reveal the challenges that still exist.

We meet mothers who travel long distances after hearing about treatment through a friend, church member, radio programme, or social media post.
We meet caregivers who have spent months searching for answers because they did not know where to go for help.
We meet children who arrive years after birth because no one identified the condition early enough.

Most concerning, we continue to encounter situations where clubfoot was not recognised at birth or families were not informed that treatment was available.

Many parents tell us they were never referred. Others say they were unaware clubfoot could be treated at all.
These experiences remind us that awareness remains one of the greatest barriers to eliminating disability caused by clubfoot.

The Good News: Treatment Works; And It Is Free

Despite these challenges, there is tremendous reason for hope.

The Ghana Clubfoot Program, implemented by the Christian Health Association of Ghana (CHAG) in partnership with Hope Walks, has been transforming lives since 2008.

Most importantly, treatment is provided completely free of charge for children under five years of age at CHAG–Hope Walks partner clinics across Ghana.
No child should be denied the opportunity to walk because of a family’s inability to pay.

Over the past 18 years, more than 9,000 children born with clubfoot have received treatment and care through the programme.
That means more than 9,000 children now have the opportunity to walk with confidence, attend school, participate in sports, and live productive lives.

Behind every number is a story:
A child who can now run with friends.
A student who can walk to school.
A parent whose fears have been replaced with hope.
A family whose future has been transformed.

The treatment follows the internationally recognised Ponseti Method, which uses a series of gentle casts to gradually correct the position of the foot, followed by a brace to maintain correction and prevent relapse.
When treatment begins early, success rates are extremely high.

These successes demonstrate a simple but powerful truth:
Clubfoot is treatable. Treatment is available. And treatment is free.

The Critical Role of Health Professionals
World Clubfoot Day is also an opportunity to celebrate the dedication of health professionals who change lives every day.

Midwives, nurses, doctors, physiotherapists, orthopaedic specialists, community health nurses, and Parent Advisors all play a vital role in ensuring children receive treatment early.

For many children, the journey begins with a health worker who identifies clubfoot at birth and makes a referral.
A few moments of observation can change the course of a child’s life forever.

We therefore encourage all healthcare professionals to make clubfoot screening part of every newborn assessment and to ensure every identified child is referred promptly for treatment.

Breaking the Stigma

As a nation, we must confront the stigma that continues to surround disability.

Clubfoot is not a curse.
It is not caused by wrongdoing.
It is not a punishment.
It is a medical condition that can be treated successfully.

Families should never feel ashamed to seek help.
Communities should support parents rather than judge them.
Children born with clubfoot deserve the same opportunities, dignity, and inclusion as every other child.

A National Call to Action
As we commemorate World Clubfoot Day 2026, we call on all Ghanaians to become part of the solution.

We call on health workers to identify and refer clubfoot cases immediately after birth.
We call on parents and caregivers to seek treatment as early as possible.
We call on religious leaders, traditional leaders, and community influencers to help raise awareness and eliminate stigma.
We call on media organisations to continue educating the public about clubfoot and the availability of free treatment.
We call on policymakers and health stakeholders to strengthen support for early detection, disability inclusion, and child health services.

Many families are still unaware that clubfoot treatment is available free of charge in Ghana. This lack of awareness continues to delay treatment for children who could otherwise receive life-changing care at no cost.

Over the past 18 years, the Ghana Clubfoot Program has demonstrated that clubfoot can be treated successfully.
Our challenge now is to ensure every child born with clubfoot is identified early enough to benefit from that treatment.

No child should be denied the opportunity to walk because of lack of information.
No family should suffer in silence because they do not know help is available.

This World Clubfoot Day, let us commit to one simple but powerful message:
SEE EARLY. TREAT EARLY. WALK FREELY.

For information on free clubfoot treatment in Ghana:
Ghana Clubfoot Program (CHAG–Hope Walks Ghana)
📞 024 487 9948

“Over 9,000 children have already been given the chance to walk through treatment. Our challenge now is to ensure that no child is left behind because of late detection, stigma, or lack of information.”
Mrs. Nana Afua Adutwumwaa Adjetey, Program Manager, Ghana Clubfoot Program (CHAG–Hope Walks Ghana)

When Pope Leo XIV issued an unprecedented apology on Monday for the Holy See’s role in legitimizing centuries of slavery, it did not happen in a vacuum.

Just two months earlier, Ghana had achieved what many thought impossible: convincing the United Nations General Assembly to declare the trafficking and enslavement of Africans “the gravest crime against humanity.”

That resolution, spearheaded by Ghana’s President John Dramani Mahama and adopted with 123 votes in favor on March 25, 2026, created the political and moral architecture that made the Vatican’s apology nearly inevitable. The Holy See, after all, could hardly ignore a world body declaring that the system its own 15th-century papal bulls had legitimized now ranks as humanity’s worst offense.

“The discussions surrounding the Resolution included debates about historical references to the Church, Papal Bulls and the transatlantic slave trade, making the Pope’s apology especially significant,” Ghana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement welcoming Leo XIV’s encyclical, Magnifica Humanitas (Magnificent Humanity).

The government described the Pope’s apology as “an act of moral courage” and a significant contribution to “the global pursuit of historical truth, justice and human dignity.”

What the Pope Said—And Didn’t Say

In his 82-page encyclical, released on May 25, 2026, Pope Leo XIV did something no pontiff had done before: he explicitly acknowledged that past popes had given European sovereigns explicit authority to subjugate and enslave “infidels.”

“Already in the early modern period, the Apostolic See of Rome, responding to requests from Sovereigns, intervened several times in order to regulate and legitimize forms of subjugation, and, in certain cases, the enslavement of ‘infidels,'” Leo wrote.

He acknowledged that “in antiquity and the Middle Ages many individuals and even ecclesiastical institutions had slaves,” and that it took “eighteen centuries” for the Church to explicitly recognize slavery’s full incompatibility with human dignity.

“It is impossible not to feel deep sorrow when contemplating the immense suffering and humiliation endured by so many,” Leo wrote. “For this, in the name of the Church, I sincerely ask for pardon.”

Previous popes had apologized for Christians’ involvement in the slave trade. St. John Paul II, during a 1985 visit to Cameroon, asked forgiveness of Africans on behalf of Christians who participated, and in 1992 on Gorée Island, Senegal, he denounced the “tragedy of a civilization that called itself Christian.” But no pope had ever publicly acknowledged—much less apologized for—the role that past pontiffs played in legitimizing the trade.

Shannen Dee Williams, a historian at the University of Dayton and author of Subversive Habits, called the apology a “monumental step toward the essential truth-telling and reparation that many Catholics have prayed and worked to witness.”

A History of Apologies: The Growing Chorus

Leo XIV’s apology joins a growing list of institutional acknowledgments of complicity in slavery and the slave trade. While each has been significant in its own right, none has carried the full weight of a formal, institutional acknowledgment from the Vatican—until now.

The Church of England (2006): On February 8, 2006, the Church of England’s General Synod voted 238 to 0 to apologize for the Church’s role in the transatlantic slave trade. The vote acknowledged that Anglican leaders owned thousands of slaves on plantations in Barbados and that the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts branded enslaved people with hot irons bearing the letters “SOCIETY.” The apology came 199 years after Britain abolished the slave trade, and its unanimous passage was described as a “wake-up call” to pursue concrete solutions.

The U.S. House of Representatives (2008): For the first time in American history, the U.S. House of Representatives formally apologized for slavery and the era of Jim Crow segregation. The non-binding resolution expressed regret for the “fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality, and inhumanity of slavery” and for laws that “established a system of de jure and de facto segregation and discrimination”. The Senate never passed a companion resolution, leaving the apology incomplete.

JPMorgan Chase (2005): The American banking giant apologized for its predecessor banks’ involvement in the slave trade, acknowledging that two Louisiana banks it had acquired accepted enslaved people as collateral on loans. The company established a $5 million scholarship program for Black students in Louisiana.

Greene King and Lloyd’s of London (2020): In the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests, the British pub chain and the insurance market both apologized and committed to reparations after the Legacies of British Slavery database revealed their historic ties to the trade. Greene King, founded by a prominent slave trader, pledged to invest in Black and minority ethnic communities and create new programs to support diversity.

The Hudson’s Bay Company (2021): Canada’s oldest corporation launched its “Charter for Change” initiative, committing $30 million over ten years to partnerships advancing racial equality, with a focus on Black Canadians and Indigenous peoples. The company acknowledged its “roles in the colonization of Canada” but stopped short of a formal apology specifically for slavery, despite research showing its early governors amassed wealth through West Indian slave labor and its founder, Samuel Cunard, profited from goods produced by enslaved people.

The Bank of Nova Scotia and CIBC (2020s): Canadian banks with founding ties to the slave trade—Scotiaba’s first president William Lawson amassed wealth through West Indian trade, and 13 of its 17 founders did the same—have funded Black community programs but have not issued formal apologies or reparations.

Why Ghana’s Resolution Changed Everything

The UN resolution, adopted on March 25, 2026, was the culmination of months of diplomatic effort led by President Mahama. It passed with 123 votes in favor, 52 abstentions, and only three countries—Argentina, Israel, and the United States—voting against it.

“The resolution is not about apportioning blame across generations or nations,” Ghana’s Foreign Minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa said at the time. “It is about creating space for truth, education, and a more honest global conversation”.

For the Vatican, that conversation became impossible to ignore. The resolution specifically noted the role of religious institutions—including the Catholic Church—in legitimizing the trade. Ghana’s government explicitly linked the two events in its statement welcoming the Pope’s apology, saying the discussions at the UN “included debates about historical references to the Church, Papal Bulls and the transatlantic slave trade.”

From Apology to Action

As the Vatican’s first U.S.-born pope—a man whose own family history, according to genealogical research published by Henry Louis Gates Jr., includes both enslaved people and slaveholders—Leo XIV acknowledged that words alone are insufficient.

The encyclical connects the historical apology to contemporary forms of slavery, warning that “new forms of subjugation and slavery” have emerged “in the context of digital development” and the technological revolution.

Leo writes that the Church must condemn all forms of trafficking “if we want to avoid the need to ask for pardon again in the future for having failed to respect the treasure of human dignity.”

Ghana is already moving to fill the gap between apology and action. The government has announced plans to host a High-Level Consultative Conference in Accra from June 17 to 19, 2026, under President Mahama’s leadership, focusing on “next steps following the adoption of the UN Resolution and sustaining global engagement on historical justice and reconciliation.”

The Rev. Christopher J. Kellerman, a Jesuit priest and author of All Oppression Shall Cease: A History of Slavery, Abolitionism, and the Catholic Church, welcomed Leo’s apology but cautioned that more is needed.

“Pope Leo has strengthened the moral credibility of the church with this admission and apology today,” he told the Associated Press. “Hopefully, a future document will explain in more detail the church’s involvement with slaveholding.”

For descendants of enslaved Africans—in Ghana, in the Caribbean, in the United States, and across the diaspora—the convergence of Ghana’s diplomatic victory and the Vatican’s institutional apology represents something unprecedented: a moment when the world’s highest moral authorities, secular and religious, have aligned in acknowledging the truth.

Whether that truth translates into reparative justice remains the open question of our time.