Africa Watch
Protesters Storm Nigeria’s New $25m Museum of West African Art, Forcing Opening to Be Cancelled
What was meant to be a triumphant week for African art turned into chaos last month when dozens of protesters forced their way onto the campus of Nigeria’s long-awaited Museum of West African Art (MOWAA) in Benin City, shutting down preview events and postponing the public opening.
Guests—journalists, curators, and dignitaries flown in from Europe and the United States—were hurriedly escorted out of the gleaming new buildings as demonstrators surged through a side gate, shouting demands and insults. The remaining workshops and talks were cancelled immediately.
MOWAA’s management blamed “disputes between the previous and current state administrations” and insisted the museum is an independent non-profit with no ties to former Edo State governor Godwin Obaseki.
Yet locals who spoke to the BBC painted a different picture: anger that a project once promised as the future home of the repatriated Benin Bronzes has been “hijacked” by outsiders.
The root of the fury is painfully familiar. In 2023, President Bola Tinubu signed a gazette handing ownership of all returned bronzes to the Oba of Benin, Ewuare II. MOWAA, designed by Ghanaian-British star architect Sir David Adjaye and funded with $25 million from German, French, British, and private donors, suddenly lost the very artefacts it was built to showcase. The museum pivoted to contemporary art and research, even quietly dropping “Edo” from its name—an insult the current Edo State government has never forgiven.
The Oba has since announced his own Benin Royal Museum, still years from completion. Meanwhile, MOWAA’s 15-acre campus—complete with a rainforest gallery, conservation labs, and a boutique hotel—stands ready but trapped in a tug-of-war over land, legacy, and who truly speaks for Benin’s history.
Sandra A. Babu-Boateng, a cultural commentator, summed it up bluntly on Instagram:
“We can raise $25 million and build a masterpiece that rivals anything in London or Washington, but if the palace, the government, and the funders can’t sit in one room and agree on governance, the doors stay locked. The building is finished. The system is not.”
Perspective
This is more than a ribbon-cutting gone wrong. It is the latest chapter in a century-long struggle over who owns Africa’s stolen heritage—and who gets to profit from its return.
The bronzes themselves, scattered across Europe for 127 years, have become pawns in a very modern Nigerian power play.
Until the Oba, the state, and MOWAA find a way to share both the artefacts and the spotlight, one of the continent’s most ambitious cultural projects will remain a beautiful museum that nobody can enter.
Africa Watch
Ghost Agency, Real Money: How a $1million ‘Non-Existent’ Gov’t Agency Made It Into Nigeria’s Budget
A scandal rocking Nigeria’s public finance system has exposed a startling institutional failure: a presidential council that never legally existed was allocated ₦1.3 billion (approximately USD$1 million) in the 2026 Appropriation Act, raising urgent questions about oversight, verification, and accountability in the country’s governance machinery.
The controversy centers on the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC)—an entity the Presidency now insists was never established by law, executive order, or any lawful instrument. Despite its non-existence, the council reportedly occupied office space within the Federal Secretariat in Abuja, operated as though legitimate, and secured a multi-billion-naira budget line in the nation’s spending law.
President Bola Tinubu has directed the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Offences Commission (ICPC) to launch a comprehensive investigation, while the House of Representatives has initiated its own parliamentary inquiry. Criminal proceedings involving the alleged promoter of the PFIPC are already before the courts.
A Budget That Cannot Create an Agency
The revelation has shocked Nigerians—not solely because of the alleged fraud, but because of the systemic breakdown it represents.
Under Nigerian law, government agencies are established through legislation, executive orders, constitutional provisions, or other lawful instruments. A budget allocates funds; it does not—and cannot—confer legal existence on an institution. The PFIPC’s inclusion in the Appropriation Act therefore only deepens the mystery: how did a fictitious agency pass through multiple layers of official scrutiny undetected?
“The budget is only one part of the story,” experts note. The more pressing question is how the PFIPC came to be listed in official budget documents if it had no legal foundation.
Where Did the System Fail?
Nigeria’s annual budget travels a well-defined path before becoming law. Agencies submit proposals, the Budget Office compiles them into the Appropriation Bill, the Federal Executive Council reviews the figures, the National Assembly scrutinizes and approves, and the President signs off.
The PFIPC saga has exposed potential vulnerabilities at every stage.
How was the council captured in budget documents? Were verification mechanisms bypassed—or did they simply fail? Could better inter-agency coordination have flagged the anomaly before billions were allocated?
These are the questions lawmakers are now expected to answer as part of their investigation.
Why the Scandal Matters Beyond the Allegations
For governance experts, the PFIPC controversy is about more than one fraudulent agency. It raises fundamental concerns about the robustness of Nigeria’s public service safeguards.
Public confidence in institutions depends not only on accountability after problems emerge, but on the strength of systems designed to prevent them. The scandal has renewed debate over whether existing checks—on official appointments, government correspondence, and the legal status of agencies—are sufficient to prevent impersonation and fraud.
Many analysts have long called for stronger digital verification systems, improved record-sharing among government bodies, and more rigorous due diligence at every stage of budget formulation.
What Happens Next?
The ICPC investigation, parliamentary inquiry, and ongoing criminal proceedings are expected to shed light on how the PFIPC infiltrated official processes. But for most Nigerians, the central question is no longer whether the council existed. It is whether the nation’s governance systems can be strengthened to prevent similar incidents in the future.
The PFIPC scandal may ultimately be remembered either as an isolated case of alleged fraud—or as the catalyst for sweeping reforms in transparency, accountability, and institutional integrity.
Africa Watch
Go Back to Your Country: South Africans Chased from Mozambique Beach in Viral Video as Xenophobia Backlash Spreads Across Africa
In what many are calling random retaliation for recent xenophobic attacks on foreigners in South Africa, South Africans abroad are increasingly being confronted, harassed, and told to “go back to your country.”
In a dramatic scene captured on video and widely shared on social media, two South African women were confronted and ordered to leave a beach bar in Mozambique, with the owner telling them to “go to the beach in your country.”
The confrontation has gone viral, with many viewers interpreting it as retaliation for recent attacks on foreigners — particularly Mozambicans, Nigerians, Ghanaians, and Malawians — in South Africa.
In the footage, the bar owner questions why the women chose to holiday in Mozambique instead of staying in South Africa, escalating into a heated exchange.
This is the latest visible sign of growing resentment across the continent.
Covert Responses by African Countries
Beyond public confrontations, several African nations have responded more strategically to the xenophobia crisis:
- Repatriation Efforts: Ghana, Nigeria, Mozambique, and Malawi have quietly organised large-scale evacuations of their citizens. Ghana has already airlifted hundreds, while Nigeria has run multiple flights. Mozambique has bused out hundreds and reported several of its nationals killed in the violence.
- Diplomatic Pressure: Ghana formally petitioned the African Union for sanctions against South Africa. Several countries have summoned South African diplomats or postponed high-level visits. Nigeria has threatened broader retaliatory measures.
- Economic and Border Measures: There are reports of increased scrutiny at borders, informal boycotts of South African goods in some markets, and private sector pullbacks. Some countries are reviewing trade agreements and investment deals with South Africa.
- Public and Civil Society Backlash: Social media campaigns, protests, and calls for consumer boycotts of South African brands have gained traction across the region.
Ghana recently rejected a request for a state visit by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, citing a surge in xenophobic violence that has forced the repatriation of nearly 1,000 Ghanaians and left at least one citizen dead.
The South African government has condemned the violence and promised investigations, but critics say enforcement remains weak. Regional observers warn that without stronger action, xenophobia could cause long-term damage to South Africa’s diplomatic and economic standing in Africa.
This latest beach incident demonstrates how grassroots anger is manifesting beyond official channels, turning everyday interactions into flashpoints in the wider continental crisis.
Africa Watch
South African Minister’s ‘Drug Dens’ Comment Sparks Fury as Nigeria Accuses Pretoria of Hate Speech and ‘Apartheid-Style Behavior’
A diplomatic firestorm has erupted between Africa’s two largest economies after a South African cabinet minister dismissed Nigeria’s compensation demand for citizens fleeing xenophobic violence and instead challenged Abuja to disclose the locations of alleged Nigerian “drug dens” — a remark Nigeria has condemned as “hate speech” and “apartheid-style behavior”.
The controversy began last Friday, July 3, when South Africa’s Minister in the Presidency, Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, rejected Nigeria’s request for compensation for citizens who abandoned businesses and properties while fleeing a surge of anti-migrant attacks.
At a media briefing, Ntshavheni said legally registered properties could be sold on the South African market but ruled out any government compensation. She then made remarks that have since triggered widespread outrage.
“We’ll be interested to know where the drug dens of Nigerians are,” Ntshavheni said. “So they can show us where they have been holding the drugs so that we can clean the drugs in South Africa quite urgently”. She added that “squatter camps and informal settlements are never properties because they are illegal in the country”.
When former Nigerian senator Shehu Sani expressed shock at her comments, Ntshavheni doubled down: “I didn’t stutter”.
Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded swiftly and forcefully on Sunday, issuing a statement condemning the remarks as “unacceptable”.
“Such derogatory, unprofessional and uncensored generalized public statements by highly placed government officials constitute hate speech that influences and incites negative and criminal actions against members of the Nigerian community,” the statement, signed by ministry spokesperson Kimiebi Ebienfa, read.
The Nigerian government further accused Pretoria of displaying “uncultured and provocative trend of intolerance and apartheid-style behavior” against foreigners. Abuja placed the South African government “on notice,” warning that “all options remain on the table” if the situation persists.
Two Nigerians Killed Amid Rising Xenophobia
The diplomatic row was triggered by the killing of two Nigerian nationals on 28 June, just two days before an unofficial deadline set by anti-migrant groups for undocumented foreigners to leave South Africa.
Emeka Charles Iroegbu was “reportedly killed” in Pretoria by officers from the Tshwane Metro Police Department using “gruesome interrogation techniques,” according to Nigeria’s foreign ministry. On the same day, unidentified assailants killed shop owner Musa Yunana Joe outside his shop in the city of eMalahleni.
Nigeria has also cited a separate pending case from April 2026 involving the same police unit, in which another Nigerian national, Nnaemeka Mathew Andrew Ekpenyong, was killed in Pretoria. Despite the identities of the officers being known to South African authorities, no arrests have been made.
Mass Repatriation and Regional Tensions
The incidents come amid a sharp rise in anti-migrant sentiment in South Africa, which has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world at more than 30%. Protest groups including Operation Dudula and March on March have organised large-scale demonstrations, arguing that undocumented migrants strain public services and compete for local jobs.
Roughly 25,000 citizens from other African countries have been repatriated by their nations, including some 700 Nigerians. Ghana and Malawi are among other African countries that have evacuated their citizens ahead of the 30 June deadline.
Escalating Diplomatic Crisis
The tensions have pushed diplomatic ties between Nigeria and South Africa to their lowest point in 30 years, according to analysts. Nigeria has condemned anti-immigrant groups such as March on March and Operation Dudula, warning that their leaders “will be held to account as a matter of regional and international criminal liability”.
The Nigerian government has also questioned state responsibility under international law, noting that the involvement of security personnel in the killings raises serious concerns. While Nigeria has not specified what actions it might take, some activists have called for tit-for-tat measures against the more than 100 South African companies operating in Nigeria, including MTN Group, Shoprite, and Standard Bank.
However, Nigeria’s foreign ministry has appealed for calm, urging Nigerians not to take the law into their own hands through retaliatory actions.
“The government calls on the general Nigerian public to remain calm and not take the law into their own hands through retaliatory actions,” Ebienfa said.
South African authorities have yet to officially respond to Nigeria’s accusations regarding the killings or the hate speech allegations.
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